The fisherman that wrote the inspection guides by Francisco Blaha

Generally, fisheries inspectors come into the job from an enforcement/surveillance background (i.e. ex-navy, coastguard, police), from marine sciences (university graduates) and in the lesser cases, ex fisheries observers. But hardly ever from the fishing industry, this always struck me as odd, having done that road myself. Particularly since my insider knowledge it has been always being welcomed by the officers I work with. I have maintained many times… "it is impossible to appropriately measure or regulate what you do not understand"

On that line, over a year ago Duncan Copeland from Trygg Matt Tracking (TMT) contracted me to write in english a set of ‘MCS Practitioners Introductory Guides’ to help fisheries inspectors in particularly those for Western Africa  with the practical side of fishing in a simple and illustrated way

The project took a bigger dimension when the International MCS Network (iMCSn) got also involved so the guides took on a more international role

Right from my 1st draft, it became then a collaborative effort with revisions and additions by good friends and colleagues such as Duncan Copeland, Stig Fjellberg and Callum Vale from TMT, Mark Young from iMCSn and Hugh Walton from FFA.

Then there the text was agreed, it came the fundamental document design phase and finding pictures to illustrate many of the topics discussed. I was fortunate to be able provide many of them that come from the my work with pacific island colleagues and vessels over the last years. Then the review of the Spanish translations, so it was a long but very instructive process.

The first fishing gear specific guides on Longline FishingPole and Line Fishing, and Purse Seine Fishing, are all very pertinent to the WCPO, and have been now published. To further support capacity building to inspectors and non-inspectors, we worked on a fourth guide for Industrial Fishing Vessel Inspections , that is complementary to the gear guides, and tackles an introductory understanding of the key considerations and needs during vessel inspections. Further, two more guides one for Refrigerated Carrier Vessel (Reefers) and a further one for Trawl Fishing are planned for release in early 2022.

The guides provides an overview of how to recognise vessels by the specific gear type, a description of the fishing operation, an overview of the gear and related equipment used, guidance on vessel positional tracking, and key issues for fisheries compliance and enforcement officers to be aware of during the conduct of an inspection. And as such they are also a good resource for people in the media, non-specialists in NGOS and institutions with an interest in fisheries.

Needless to say, I’ll be always very thankful (and proud) for the opportunity that TMT and iMCSn gave me in having a key role in these publications and the excellent work done on the design and quality of the final product. But even more thankful to every fishing boat I have worked in my life, every skipper and fellow crewmember that spent time teaching me stuff and everyone one that did not mind me taking pictures while they are doing their jobs!

And they are available in English, Español, Français. Please share far and wide.

 EN ESPAÑOL

EN FRANÇAIS

ENGLISH LANGUAGE


On the 2020 WCPO Tuna stock status report, Harvest Strategies and Crew labour by Francisco Blaha

Every year at this time of the year (pre WCPFC meeting) one of the key publications for the region is published: SPC’s The western and central Pacific tuna fishery: 2020 overview and status of stocksAnd this is the de facto publication when it comes to the sustainability of fisheries in the region (and I’m proud of having being involved in the cover picture)

The tuna fisheries assessment report (the "TFAR") provides current information on the tuna fisheries of the WCPO and the fish stocks (mainly tuna) that are impacted by them. The information provided in this report is summary in nature, but a list of references (mostly accessible via the internet) is included for those seeking further details.  

This report focuses on the primary tuna stocks targeted by the main WCPO industrial fisheries - skipjack tuna (Katsuwonus pelamis), yellowfin tuna (Thunnus albacares), bigeye tuna (T. obesus) and South Pacific albacore tuna (T. alalunga).

The report is divided into three parts: the first section provides an overview of the fishery, with emphasis on developments over the past few years; the second summarises the most recent information on the status of the stocks; and the third summarises information concerning the interaction between the tuna fisheries, other associated and dependent species and their environment. 

The data used in compiling the report are those which were available to the Oceanic Fisheries Programme (OFP) at the time of publication, and are subject to change as improvements continue to be made to recent and historical catch statistics from the region.

I like to get the 1st read of the graphs… stocks are sustainable in the WCPO, but most interesting for me is some of the things I read in between the lines

I just bring up is 2 things today:  the MSC pressure on getting the tropical tuna measure (TTM) and the Harvest strategy (HaSt) agreement in place at the WCPFC meeting and working conditions on longline crew.

The tropical tuna measure (TTM) and the Harvest strategy (HaSt) agreement is perhaps the most complex issue faced at the WCPFC... is highly technical wilt a lot of moving parts of which harvest strategies are one... I just want to give a word of caution if you decide to tackle it, as is very easy to fall into holes and potentially antagonise parties. Is important to keep in mind that the WCPFC Harvest Strategy Workplan is delayed not because of a lack of dialogue and understanding of its importance of it, but mostly because the debate on harvest strategy elements has become a geopolitical tool used by some DWFN to influence future allocations and (of course!) entrench privilege.

As per the MSC angle, they have been publicising a lot… well... if there is no HaSt agreement, MSC will no doubt be the most affected in all of this... the reality is that they have more at stake and to lose than SIDS... if they were to suspend the certification of the key fishery that brings most of the volume under their logo they will lose a LOT of money...

Would they shoot their own foot based on a process that is delayed due to politics? Doubt it! they need the fishery, more than the fishery needs them. A few years ago they were in a similar spot in terms of compartmentalisation around FADs... so they gage themselves time (3 years to suspend it) instead of suspending the fisheries because they are not sustainable!... and now looks like there is no need to suspend it because it looks like tuna fishing with FADs can be MSC certified

The Tuna market depends on the WCPO catches... you think that if the tuna fisheries of the region were to lose MSC certification all the canneries would go: Ahhh no... we not gonna can tuna anymore because is not MSC certified? of course not! they will keep going, because people will keep eating tuna.

The stocks are healthy (as you can see above)... because FFA/PNA continues to manage and sustain their fishery, against the raft of obligations they have signed onto at the pace that ensures their capacity is catered for and fits their purpose in the short to medium term with the long term outlook for a regionally sustained fishery. A lot is at stake, the HaSt work will be good for MSC, but that's not the primary purpose... the reason why MSC can certify the tuna fishery is that it is managed sustainably by the SIDS and not the opposite 

Crew condition in the Longline fishery… in page 37: you see this graphh… fishing effort, in fleet sizes and number of hooks fished (bottom), for the longline fishery in the WCPFC

in the 90s when i was fishing these waters, were the heyday of LL in the WCPO. Today as you can see there is only 1/3 of that fleet left, and is soaking over twice the number of hooks. 

Deck and gear setting technology is still the same. So the only way to duplicate the number of hooks soaking is by more than duplicating the crew's workload. 

This is pure exploitation, on top of that, they are recruiting crew from by based on exploitation because the worsening economic condition and high population density of many SE Asian countries and so pay them every time shittier wages as to keep your numbers above the breaking line...  

as the report that WWF presented recently for the WCPFC says in the conclusion... "Only in Superman’s Bizarro World can the WCPFC establish binding labour standards for observers, ensure the safety of whale sharks and cetaceans, but not establish  labour standards for the wellbeing of crew"

If i only needed one proof to support the importance of the lead that FFA and Indonesia is taking on the crew welfare CMM it would be on this graph. 

Why I dislike products of privilege like indexes, private certifications and fingerpointing Reports in fisheries by Francisco Blaha

Yrah the last week has been very eventful with news on PIPA and a new fishing index…

don’t know who to attribute this one other that twitter… let me know if you know the author please. But I feel like the one in the right

As per PIPA… while I could dwell on technicalities, and how the general management framework will maintain the tuna stocks and the standard 24nm exclusion zone for commercial fishing around all islands (VMS controlled) in Kiribati, and so on… one answer suffices for me: 

"The notion that a group of privileged foreigner will know better what is best for iKiribati people was fundamental part of colonialism and thankfully finished on the 12 July 1979 with their independence" End of story!

As per the Index… I knew about it from a while ago (2019) since they wanted me involved and politely declined after a good and frank talk to them... and don’t get me wrong, they are nice and well intended people… no doubt

But my reaction to indexes is always based on 2 questions:

1-    What’s the point? We all know what is wrong, we need help on how to fix it

and

2:  How do you avoid being unfair?

 Lets say just for an example: 

Country A in Europe is rich and as a EEZ of 10 km2 and a budget for fisheries of 10 million that is 0.5% of their GDP, and 500 years of experience in bureaucracy. institutions and governments

Country B in the Pacific has a EEZ of 10000000 km2, a budget for fisheries of 1 million that is 10% of the GDP and was a colony until 1980, so has 40 years of experience in bureaucracy. institutions and governments

Who would you think will score better in any metrics based index?

Which bring me to back to question 1: What is the point?

Yes fisheries need more budgets, better management, better science, less subsidies, , better data, bla, blah... Tell me something new...

It feels like an echo chamber for people on phone keyboards about the collapse of world fisheries, the short-sightedness of Kiribati with PIPA... And so on... and all from 1000 dollar phones and lives in privilege

Chances are that the budget for the graphic design of most of those studies is more than the annual salary of the fisheries inspectors and observers I work with! And believe they do much more for sustainable fisheries than any index or report will ever do.

I'm just tired of well off people behind desks telling others working at the front end of fisheries (and mostly poorer than them) how shit they are at their jobs... how they are failing the world they care so much about (while their livelihood does not depend on fisheries)

Why the researchers for those publications and those that dismay about PIPA don't go and do something practical, bring a solution, get you hands dirty...

Even if I disagree with what whatever action they want to do... I prefer that, to any glossy and manicured studies, index or report that tell us stuff we know, but don’t bring new solutions or money to test them.

 Ok... enough... sorry for the visceral reaction... is one of those days.

A practical take on the duty to uphold human rights in seafood workplaces by Francisco Blaha

I’m usually writing about academic papers I read and like, so I give a go to rescue things I like (or not)… yet this is the first time that I do one that has my name on it!! To be honest not in my wildest dreams when I stared fishing in the mid 80s, would I ever thought to be in the place I’m now, doing the variety of work I do and be helping to write a academic paper on labour rights for fellow fishers and seafood workers!

Fishers are some of most resilient, positive and hardcore people you’ll ever meet. Always among brothers when with them even if I work for regulators now.

This paper is the brainchild of Katrina Nakamura, with Yoshitaka Ota and me as “uncles”. The origin of the paper was in the work we did (with Katrina) for the FAO Guidelines on social responsibility a couple of years ago.

After the FAO work, Katrina involved a group that included other well-known authors that dod not work with us on the guidelines, but have amazing knowledge on the topic… But something I learned on fishing boats is that they don’t work with too many captain and as there were positions and each had his battle horses that they weren’t ready to set aside a few left.

Then when it came to the editors at the magazine it got even more complicated… so the final result is a bit complex for my simple brain… yet I’m the least qualified of the authors in a topic where other than having been fisherman (and a seafood worker) I have limited experience.

And believe me… is so much easier (in my personal opinion) to work in the world of IUU fishing, MCS and data… than it is in the labour and human rights side of fisheries… so many sides and agendas that are hard to accommodate… for something that should be easier in my small and simple head:

  1. The rights of a person working in fishing are the same to a person working in a bank, or driving a truck, working in parliament or milking cows. 

  2.  The protection they deserve should be aligned to the risk of their job, which the way, in the case of a fisherman is most dangerous in the world (estimated 35000 a year…i.e. 1 every 15 minutes!)

  3. Their rights and protections should not be dependent on the colour of the passports, as part of the aleatory event of their nationalities, and definitively not of whatever flag is in the vessel they are fishing or the country they are working.

  4. Seafood buyers cannot externalise their due diligence of labour rights for fishers and seafood workers to a private label that may not be there in 20 years… while the government department that is responsible for that at the flag state will be there.

Of course is not so easy…

In any case, I rescue the flowing elements of the paper… but as always… read the original (is for free!)

Highlights

  • The paper carefully tracks the fundamental rights of all people in seafood workplaces and the business duty to uphold them.

    Fundamental workplace protections were compiled from legal instruments applicable to fisheries and aquaculture worldwide.

  • Every person is legally-protected from forced labour throughout the work cycle universally and at sea as on land.

  • At minimum businesses must provide rights training, a clear agreement, responsive channel and safety in hazardous conditions

 Abstract

Too many fishing crew have died aboard vessels known for fisheries crime. The purpose of this paper is to raise awareness of the ‘fundamental’ rights of all people working in the seafood sector and the business duty to prevent rights violations, as it is organized as minimum workplace procedures that are legally-established in international law, in customary use and effective. The authours searched for workplace guidance for respecting rights and then conducted research to identify the legal minimums that states have signed and ratified as essential, and are also in scope of the business duty that is set out in the United Nations Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights, 2011. The result is a short list of workplace procedures which are:

  1. intended to prevent rights violations particularly forced labour,

  2. suited to diverse types of operations in different languages, customs or circumstances,

  3. appropriate to all people in a seafood workplace whether they hold a contract or not, and that allow for

  4. tracking labour conditions in ways which could be verified by the people working therein or their representatives.

To uphold fundamental rights in seafood workplaces, employers are to provide rights training for all new recruits in a language they understand, a safe, responsive channel for workplace grievances linking into the line of command, provisions for safe work in hazardous conditions, and among others, safe passage for individuals choosing to leave. At sea as on land, every individual has fundamental rights to legally-established assurances in seafood workplaces.

Conclusion

The main conclusion of this paper is that raising rights awareness among regulators, the industry and all people on the job is key to upholding rights in seafood workplaces and preventing forced labour. Pointedly, human rights due diligence is a preventative protocol for businesses and governments to fulfil together. The exercise holds great promise for tracking then preventing or mitigating risky conditions but can fall short where one party fails to recognize fundamental rights. 

The protocol may not encompass all the relevant basic human rights protections required in the workplace, for example to bargain collectively. It can also fail if used to reduce business risks by identifying and then suppressing rights violations faced by people in work. A claim of intolerance to forced labour means little without corresponding mechanisms to hear labour disputes as they arise in seafood workplaces and to respond before they escalate. Exercised with respect for these limitations, human rights due diligence could become a powerful agent for change.

There is a learning curve to sensitize seafood operators, maritime officials, prosecutors and global grocery executives to labour risks and conditions—as they are defined in law but also as they occur locally, especially debt bondage and debt coercion—but the timeline should be short. Slavery has been illegal universally since 1926. A hundred years on, enforcement agencies like Interpol and the Financial Action Task Force (forced labour is a predicate crime to money laundering) are cracking down on labour exploitation in industrial production once again. Withholding wages, identification documents or even access to a first aid kit persist in seafood workplaces today in spite of labour law and occupational health and safety regulations (IOM, 2021).

Researchers also could serve the enormous and still unfinished task of abolition by asking, what does a safe workplace look like from the perspective of a fishing crew member, shrimp harvester or peeler?, then build a conceptual framework around that centre.

When the ex fisherman went to parliament to make a submission on IUU fishing by Francisco Blaha

Last September I was invited by the NZ Parliament Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee, to make a submission on their enquire on IUU fishing in the WCPO. Besides being a great honour to provide a written submission, I was actually really keen to make an oral one… as I had never been to parliament here in NZ! Not to be due to COV1D, so I did one on zoom on zoom that was recorded.

In any case here is a transcript for whatever is worth it… while we do have problems, NZ is as usual punching above their division in doing good work in my opinion

Kia Ora

My name is Francisco Blaha, and I’m honoured to be asked by this committee for my opinions on the aspects of fisheries that have been my life since I was 18 years old, and given the opportunity to - in a minimal way - payback for how much NZ offered me. I’m proud to call the Western and Central Pacific home since 1991. In 1995 I arrived in New Zealand/Aotearoa on a fishing boat, and without knowing anyone in the country, based only on a feeling, decided that I wanted to stay. A few weeks later I had an official job offer that led me to a work visa based on my qualifications and experience. Aotearoa has been my home since then, it has offered me nothing less than respect and opportunities, as well as family and friends… and you as elected government officials have been a fundamental part of that. Thank you

I have deliberately focused my submission on the very specific ToRs and the technical understanding of IUU fishing, and therefore left aside parallel but no less important issues such a crew conditions, sustainability of bycatch species, subsidies, and geopolitics just to name a few where I work (and NZ has a leading role). 

Also, I did not want my submission to be the usual litany of doom that generally dominates the conversation, yet offers very little by way of practical suggestions…This is why I’ve also tried to talk about successes on recent or ongoing projects funded by NZ, rather than the theory, to inspire you to look into and further support similar initiatives.

This is not to say that they aren’t any problems… admittedly the opposite. Yet there are also many good people and institutions in the WCPO that get up every day and do exemplary things that never get recognised, they run success stories that never get on the news… 

I’m fortunate to also work in other regions beyond the Western and Central Pacific, such as the Eastern Pacific, the Atlantic and the Indian ocean… and the tools and management strategies we take for granted in our region (constant VMS, joint surveillance programmes, Port state measures, complete vessels registries, harmonised licensed condition among coastal states, electronic reporting and monitoring, etc) are not even in the pipeline there.

Of course, it is not perfect, but is better than in many other places… Exemplary institutions like the Pacific Islands Fisheries Forum Agency (FFA) and Pacific Community (SPC) that will speak later to you do not exist anywhere else, and would not have had the opportunity to support their members in the way they do, if it wasn't for NZ/Aotearoa’s support.

For the understanding of how “IUU fishing” operates and how it impacts the Pacific Islands, FFA commissioned an IUU quantification analysis in 2015 for its membership from MRAG (they are also made a submission), that was presented and published in 2016, it showed very low comparative IUU impact in general terms, and allowed them to focus resources in the very specific areas identified, with misreporting by the licensed fleet the most important one. No other region in the world is presently able to do the same. 

But more importantly, this quantification study has been updated and is now scheduled to be presented and published on the 24th of this month. As one of the authors working on that update, I will not pre-empt the results, but it is broadly positive with a substantial reduction on the impact of IUU fishing in all areas studied. And while new MCS strategies, new data sets, changes in estimation approach in effort, and in prices have all contributed to better estimates we are cautious as care is needed in the interpretation, as multiple factors are at play. Yet the broad results are clear; the pacific island countries are controlling and minimising the incidence of IUU in their waters, and this is something to be recognised and celebrated.

I will focus the rest of my time on what I think are the four main outstanding problem areas in regards to IUU fishing and then the positive role that NZ has played in the region. 

Transhipment in the High Seas 

The WCPFC made a rule in 2009 stipulating there shall be no transhipment on the high seas except where a member country has determined that it is impractical for a vessel to come to port– but the Commission did not define “impractical”, thereby creating a loophole.

Contrary to the Commission’s intentions and rules, the number of high seas transhipments in the western and Central Pacific is increasing. Reports to the Commission indicate that such transhipments have increased from 544 operations in 2014 to 1,472 in 2019. 

It appears that high seas transhipments are becoming the norm, rather than the exception.

All reported high seas transhipments were conducted by fishing vessels registered to just 4 countries and one fishing entity that NZ has different levels of engagement with vessels of China, Chinese Taipei/Taiwan, Korea and Vanuatu accounted for almost 90% of those transhipments. 

NZ’s strong links with Vanuatu, Korea and China (bilaterally) and Chinese Taipei /Taiwan (via APEC) could be of fundamental influence to reform this clearly problematic situation that the WCPFC seems to be stuck in.

Budget, talent acquisition and retention in PICs fisheries administrations 

There is no correlation between the budgets allocated to fisheries Monitoring Control and Surveillance activities, to the value of fisheries for the country. 

Fisheries compliance is increasingly becoming more and more a market access requirement via catch certifications and a future Catch Documentation Scheme. Yet the funding for talent acquisition and retention in the fisheries authorities organisations that underpin fisheries controls and trade is woefully low in comparison of the value of the fishery they are responsible for.

I understand that the competing needs at the country level (i.e. health, infrastructure, education, communications, etc) need to be attended to as well. 

Yet at times, we get criticised for saying that we expect excellence from the fisheries administrations and inspectors while they are often budgeted below mediocrity.

My fear at times is that fisheries compliance keeps piling on new systems, risk analysis, bigger/better information management systems and so on all the time, yet in the end, these are more responsibilities (i.e. work) for the people expected to use them; without giving them (and their institutions) any tangible incentive to do so.

Some economic/technical support along these lines will be critical. Otherwise, we keep building bigger roofs over the same old foundations and that is never a good idea.

Regional Data Capabilities

As misreporting has been identified consistently as the main IUU issue in our region, the tools and capabilities of fisheries inspectors need to move towards accounting for more than having new patrol vessels or radars, for example.  

I strongly feel that up to date data capabilities such as those available to the banking or financial sector for both business intelligence and accounting are fundamental for the shared management and evaluation of compliance in fisheries.

New Zealand companies and research institutes such as Xero (https://www.xero.com/nz ), FishServe (https://www.fishserve.co.nz) and XERRA (https://www.xerra.nz) with his product Starboard Marine Intelligence (https://starboard.nz) have a lot to offer to the region in these areas.

New Zealand’s present and future efforts in regard to IUU fishing.

New Zealand’s contribution towards the comparatively low levels of IUU fishing and long-term sustainability of the tuna fisheries in the region, has been fantastic in my opinion, and NZ is seen as a distinctively trusted partner.

Uniquely among other donors in the region, there is only one NZ flagged PS seiner operating in the WCPO fishery, hence assistance is offered with no ulterior motives and most importantly is perceived as such.

NZ’s is very bi-culturally distinctive in comparison to other donors, and its long term “fraternity” to Pacific Islanders has resulted in a solid bridge of trust. 

Colonialism remains in very recent history in the Pacific (at 56 I’m older than most countries I work with). These nations are still developing institutional capacity—and that they don’t necessarily take kindly to being told what to do by former colonisers. NZ does a great service by working with them, not on behalf of them

In 22 years as a development consultant, the jobs I consider most successful have been funded by MFAT. My current work in the Marshall Islands fills me with pride and a sense of unique satisfaction to be New Zealander.

While my work with MFAT is very technical, it critically incorporates a sufficiently long-time frame as for me to be seen as one of the team, someone to be trusted and welcomed beyond just work, but into their whanau and community. And you can only do that with time. 

I was recently asked at the International Fisheries MCS network how were we able to achieve so many results in the 2nd year of assistance to the Marshall Islands? I replied: because I was working there in the first year and we were able to build trust, once that is in place, the achievements of the second year were easy.  

The double prong support to FFA and SPC, as well as bilateral assistance, is producing tangible results.

Conclusion

This house should be proud of the outstanding contribution that NZ has done to fight IUU fishing in the WCPO

My humble recommendations are

  • Further support the long term presence of culturally aware advisors working with partner governments under the principles of Tuia te here tangata: Making meaningful connections. To Thread Together Many Strands of People takes time, yet it is the most effective way forwards.

  • Use NZ mana as a trusted international partner to push the agenda for reform of present High Seas Transhipment at the highest level of bilateral relations with the main nations involved with it: China, Chinese Taipei /Taiwan, Korea and Vanuatu.

  • Support budget strengthening, talent acquisition and retention with the independent PICs fisheries administrations, through both strategies of: 

    • placing long term advisors in their fisheries authorities, and 

    • supporting specific know-how in cost recovery for regulatory organisations and incentive-based compliance for industry

  • Encourage a leap forwards in fisheries ICT including Data Management, Business Intelligence and visualisations capabilities, Machine Learning and Artificial Intelligence to be spearheaded by SPC with the support of NZ organisations like Starboard, Xero and FishServe

  • Maintain budgetary support to FFA and SPC as the key fisheries organisations in the region.

Thank you again for your time.

Kia ū ki te whakapono, kia aroha tētahi ki te tētahi. Hold strong to your beliefs and love one another.

FFA Members position on key issue for the WCPFC 18 by Francisco Blaha

I take a compliment being asked by NGOs and some university groups on what are the issues that are key to the fisheries in the pacific. Yet, my answer seems to take them by surprise because always is: Ask them, ask the pacific islanders… I’m just here working for them, I’m a guest.

For many decades the key local institutions SPC, FFA and PNA have cemented their position as the support institutions for their members. They have their ears closers to the needs of their members than anyone else. So if you want to help the region, the best way is to put your money, expertise, and support behind the people already working here, the famous: support the locals!

Every year around this time, many papers that get piled up for discussion at the WCPFC meeting in December are presented and are for public scrutiny on the meeting website

One that is key in my opinion is the “FFA Members position on key issue for the WCPFC 18” this is not a long paper but it goes via a serious process of consultation by all members at various plenaries (I’m a witness of that process and is always a geta learning opportunity)

These are the key issue for the 17 coastal nations of the region that are fundamental and they all agree to it… so is easy… your wealthy institution wants to help on matters that are key to the region fisheries for the next year… put all you might and support behind the locals in the topics they believe are key.

For this year, they are:

Tropical Tuna measure 

As we have underlined in the past, FFA members will only support a cautious approach to changes to the current provisions in the Conservation and Management Measure (CMM) because, in addition to meeting its objectives, the current CMM already takes into account the best available scientific advice that while the status of the bigeye and yellowfin stocks is healthy, following the most recent changes that were made to the CMM in 2017 when the 4th month FAD closure was removed and the high seas FAD closure was reduced, there remains a need for a precautionary approach, especially noting the uncertainty in the assessments for these stocks. As FFA members have continued to highlight throughout this year, Pacific Islands economies are dependent on the tuna fishery and we cannot support actions that will jeopardise the stocks that we rely upon. 

FFA Members have engaged vigorously at the two Tropical Tuna Measure workshops, as would be expected for an issue of such importance to us, and we express our appreciation to you, Chair, for organizing these important opportunities to discuss the elements of this Commission's key Conservation and Management Measure with other WCPFC Members, Cooperating Non-members and Participating Territories (CCMs). 

We have made a number of suggestions with regard to revising the Tropical Tuna Measure during the workshop series and details of these can be found collated in the WCPFC Chair’s Consultative Draft of the Tropical Tuna CMM. 

Most importantly, in recognition of the sovereign rights of FFA Members who have established national longline limits under national laws with robust monitoring and management systems in place to implement these, FFA Members advise that longline fishing within our exclusive economic zones will be managed only through zone-based management, including the LL-VDS. FFA Members will no longer recognise any flag-based bigeye limits as applying to our zones. FFA members also emphasise the ultimate intention, as proposed in the text provided in relation to paragraph 44 of the revised CMM, to transition towards an equitable framework for the allocation of high seas fishing opportunities in the bigeye longline fishery. 

To sum up the basis for our proposed changes, FFA members attach high priority to maintaining the current careful balance of interests between fisheries and CCMs which has been achieved after a lengthy period of careful and considered development. If there are to be changes within the CMM, that balance needs to be maintained. Additionally, we take the advice of the Scientific Committee very seriously and insist on a cautious approach to any changes to the existing measures. We also note that, following the significant technical concerns of the SC, there will be an independent review in 2022 of the stock assessments for bigeye and yellowfin tuna and until the outcomes of this review are available any revisions to the Measure need to be suitably precautionary.

South Pacific albacore 

FFA members wish to convey our strong concerns in relation to the situation facing the South Pacific albacore stock. These concerns arise from the following factors: 

  • The necessity for strong management action by the Commission to rebuild the stock to support the economic viability of fleets, especially Pacific Islands domestic longline fleets; 

  • The latest stock assessment for South Pacific albacore which suggests that the stock status has continued to decline in recent years and that, without immediate cuts in catch and effort, the conditions under the TRP will not be achieved; 

  • Recent shift of effort from the tropical longline fishery resulting in increased targeting of South Pacific albacore by DWFNs on the high seas; 

  • The current measure is not effective in restricting catch and effort for SPA, as was clearly demonstrated during the CMR process at TCC17. 

 In light of these factors, FFA members call for immediate action by WCPFC18 to avoid further declines in the South Pacific albacore stock while work continues on a revised CMM for South Pacific albacore. Specifically, FFA members call for an immediate freeze in catch and effort for South Pacific albacore by CCM vessels operating on the high seas south of the equator

FFA members also wish to signal our intention to bring forward a revised South Pacific albacore CMM for consideration in 2022. We reiterate our commitment to the implementation of zone-based management arrangements for longline fisheries within our waters and will be seeking compatible limits on catch and effort for South Pacific albacore on the high seas.

Compliance Monitoring Scheme 

FFA Members have expressed significant concerns regarding the operation of the Compliance Monitoring Scheme (CMS) for a number of years now. These concerns include: 

  • The imbalance in the operation of the CMS between purse seine and longline obligations - arising from deficiencies in certain areas of the Commission’s management frameworks for these fisheries, particularly unfair focus and scrutiny on fisheries and fleets with better monitoring and reporting; 

  • The significant amount of time spent on the CMR process each year; 

  • The distortion of the CMS as a vehicle for prosecuting individual vessel infringements rather than for its intended purpose of identifying gaps and failures in the implementation of CMMs and putting in place steps to address those issues. 

The current CMS CMM contains specific elements that seek to address some of these concerns (for example, the Purpose, Principles and Future Work sections of the measure). These CMS elements have been agreed by all CCMs, therefore highlighting their importance and CCMs’ commitment to their implementation. FFA Members have taken the lead in seeking to address this work. We have invested significant time and effort to lead work on audit points and the development of a risk-based assessment framework, and we have championed the development and use of aggregated tables with the support of the WCPFC Secretariat. However, due to a range of reasons, essential CMS work is still incomplete. In this context, rather than investing further time in the implementation of the current measure, FFA members suggest the WCPFC focuses its collective efforts on progressing the critical suite of future work which will ensure that future implementation of the CMS will achieve the purpose, goals and principles that the Commission committed to in adopting CMM 2019-06. 

Labour Standards 

The issue of crew safety, including poor working conditions, mistreatment of fishing crew and allegations of forced labour, has remained in the spotlight throughout 2021. The development of a CMM on labour standards for fishing crew remains a priority for FFA Members as reflected by our active participation in the inter-sessional working group. While FFA Members recognise that a significant amount of work has been done to develop the CMM, we recognise that there are a number of issues that still need to be worked through. We attach significant importance to improving the safety and working conditions of crew on board vessels fishing under the WCPF Convention. Crew play an integral role in the economic security of this region. We want to ensure the WCPFC treats this issue seriously, and FFA members are prepared to continue investing the time to do so throughout 2022.

 So yeah… there you go… support the locals

Marine species conservation at CITES: How does media coverage inform or misinform? by Francisco Blaha

As you may know, I have always been quite critical of the media coverage on fisheries issues, which I see as biased and holding fisheries to a much higher level than all the issues in land… example somehow the environmental impact of trawling 3% of a region to remove biomass is much worse than ploughing half a country where everything that was there was killed to plant an imported species. 

So yea when I see a paper that in the abstract says: The contribution of marine species exploitation to local and global food security issues and fisher livelihoods is not discussed at all. Advocates from environmental non-profit groups dominate the list of interviewed experts, with alternative perspectives from groups linked to sustainable management like UNFAO (the United Nations agency with a fisheries mandate) and academics, rarely mentioned. Additionally, the fishing industry’s perspective on issues surrounding the conservation of commercially exploited marine species is rarely represented. Recommendations for both follow-up research and practical steps to ensure a more balanced inclusion of the perspectives of key stakeholders are included.

 I’m immediately interested in it… and not surprisingly I actually know personally 3 of the authors (and I really like them as people – Matt, Daniel & Kim ) and know via social media the corresponding author (David).

The paper focuses on CITES, yet there are soo many transferable lessons to the wider fisheries issues,and I REALLY like the illustrations.

I absolutely recommend you read the original.

I just quote (hoping I don't get in trouble with copyright) some of the bits that I like the most!

How are marine species issues discussed? 

The striking difference in how threatened terrestrial species are discussed (cute, intelligent, shy) vs. how threatened marine organisms are discussed (ecologically important, in some degree of conservation trouble) is perhaps reflective of an ongoing divide over the role of commercially exploited marine life in wildlife conservation discourse. Historically in Western nations, fish have often been perceived and portrayed as a natural resource (i.e., food) rather than wildlife, a characterization that may alter public perceptions as well as downstream policy and practice relative to biodiversity conservation approaches . The patterns identified here may be taxonomic in nature (mammals vs. fish) or may be related to Western systems of food production and economic systems which have discursively transformed wildlife or ecosystems into “natural resources” 

 Bias in coverage was identified in terms of the types of expertise and their associated perspectives that were featured in media coverage. Significant perspectives integral to the management of marine species (e.g., government officials with expertise in fisheries, UNFAO experts, academics) were rarely featured in media coverage. Additionally, the workings of CITES and associated provisions, procedures, powers, and limitations are mostly unexplained. How conservation issues are portrayed in the press both reflects and influences public understanding of environmental problems and their solutions. These findings identify possible gaps in public discourse and understanding of the conservation and management of commercially exploited marine species, which may be corrected by targeted outreach efforts. Promisingly, communication of facts related to the management of socio-environmental systems can be successful in shaping stakeholders’ perceptions , though facts alone do not change people’s minds .

 The disproportionate coverage of environmental non-profit perspectives relative to the perspectives of industry and expert scientific analysis, including in some cases quoting whole sections of NGO press releases verbatim without analysis or context, is potentially cause for concern in terms of providing the public with a complete, balanced understanding of these issues. While the economic importance of trade in a species should not ever justify ignoring scientific evidence of conservation concerns, it is noteworthy that important issues of food security and livelihoods in developing nations are almost totally absent from these discussions, and that the intergovernmental expert perspective of the UN mandated agency for these issues (UNFAO) and independent experts such as TRAFFIC and the IUCN was rarely presented. Additionally, a recent review of how marine species issues are deliberated on at CITES found numerous issues possibly resulting from the lack of marine management expert representation in national delegations, including concerns about inconsistent data presentation in proposals for new listings that lead to confusion, and at least one case of incorrect information about the extent of a species’ _decline included in a proposal.

 Conclusions 
This analysis of press coverage of commercially exploited marine species being considered for CITES listings revealed several possible causes for concern in terms of downstream public understanding of barriers to and strategies for achieving conservation of vulnerable marine species. It shows that members of the public learning about CITES from newspaper coverage would be exposed to a biased and limited sample of information providers, with NGOs overrepresented, offering simplified summaries of complex issues. Media coverage provides limited access to the important perspectives of UN agencies and academic experts. This information pathway is potentially open to abuse by partisan actors, potentially creating public pressure for non-optimal policy outcomes made by ill-informed decisionmakers pressured by an ill-informed citizenry. Consumers of these media articles would likely be uninformed about the specific details of what a CITES listing means and does not mean, which may influence their preferences for necessary follow-up policies including those which consider livelihoods. Oversimplified, emotionally charged coverage may result in policy outcomes not supported by experts and evidence, which potentially leads to inefficient or ineffective use of limited conservation capacity and resources.

The 3 fisherman and the high level public officer by Francisco Blaha

I have been working in fisheries consulting for 22 years now, easy must have done over 200 contracts of all sorts and sizes of which 100 must have been as a part of a team 2-3 to 10 people. In most, I was the only one with commercial fishing experience, perhaps in 10 of them there where one more person with fishing experience… but never until today I been part of the team that won a bid where there are 3 ex-fisherman and one high level public officer.

appropriate tuvaluan art

It seemed really strange to me when I started consulting, that you could work in fisheries projects without having been a fisherman at some stage in your life. Yet I’m fully aware that most fishers don't have the opportunity to do university qualifications and also that good writing count in this job. Is part of the deal that could have 40 years experience finding and catching tuna, but perhaps not even high school, so you ain’t going to get win a job in the fisheries development against someone with a PhD in tropical fisheries from Northern European country or the US for example.

Anyway… I’m very happy to have landed on deck a contract with the Tuvalu Fisheries Authority (one of my favourite countries in the world). When I saw the opportunity my head went into gear as to get a team for it…but I wanted to work with realistic and operational people that I respect. 

So I reached to my long term friend Robert Lee a former Skipper from Trinidad&Tobago and a fellow FAO officer with whom we worked a few times already (in Kiribati and recently on this plastic waste study). Robert has tons of experience everywhere, he know his stuff left, right and centre, has a good sense of humour and anyone that knows him will tell you is a good man. 

The other fisherman is Brett (Blue) Haywood, a former NZ fisherman himself and the head of an actual tuna fishing and processing company Sea Quest Fiji Ltd (that is sleepy with covid). Blue has been in Fiji for almost 20 years now and is one of the most progressive and positive people I worked with over the years (got AIS and the 1st blockchain traceability system in this part of the world)… One thing is to be a fisherman and another one is to be good at running a fishing company, he is one of the few I know who has managed that transition well… yet more importantly for me, he is a good man (when friends got stuck in Fiji at the beginning of the covid debacle, he opened his house at no cost for them, just because they were my friends… in my books that stuff has no price, and I will always be thankful to him for that)

Then is Taukelina Finikaso, whom I had only meet briefly before, and to be honest when you look at his CV your jaw drops. Former attorney general, former parliamentarian, former ambassador, former minister… as most Tuvaluan I worked with, extremely well prepared yet very approachable and with a good sense of humour… unbeatable combination.

In my experience, working with good people counts more and more for me as I get older, the other thing I really liked is that we all earn the same daily fee… that was very important for me and I’m stoked that we all are at the same level.

The job is a challenging one since it has been tried in many places before and didn't always work… is to set a course for the development of a viable and sustainable domestic tuna longline fishery operating in Tuvalu’s EEZ, with focus on providing analyses and recommendations on the operational sustainability of appropriately sized longline vessels but also the potential for the usage of regional ports since Tuvalu’s own is not really set up for maintenance, operational and freight logistics just to name few. 

So yeah that is the challenge… which to me sound like a job for 3 fisherman and a high-level public officer.

a pity is a desktop job… i love going to work in Tuvalu

RIP Professor William Ross Edeson by Francisco Blaha

With sadness I just got to know that Bill Edson passed away.

He was one of those larger than life characters that had a spoon in sooo many plates when it came to fisheries law and the development of the fisheries legal framework in many countries around the world, but specially in the pacific.

I worked a few times with him, but I remember well the first one in Vanuatu many years ago. I was initially quite intimidated (based on my usual “impostor syndrome” feeling), but he was great, and seemed genuinely interested in my practical experience, needles to say i learned a lot working with him then. Over the years we corresponded often consulting on each others strengths.

I really appreciated he had time for me… FFA did a nice eulogy on him here

Bill told me he liked this picture a lot, hope his departure was as peaceful as this image

Bill told me he liked this picture a lot, hope his departure was as peaceful as this image

Fuel consumption of free-swimming school vs FAD in tropical tuna purse seiners by Francisco Blaha

My 1st skipper used to laconically have a standard answer to my almost constant questions about pretty much anything: “todo tiene ventajas y desventajas”… (everything has advantages and disadvantages), which coincidentally was my dad’s advice when I told him I was getting married over 20 years ago.

Fishing by screen and numbers

Fishing by screen and numbers

For fisheries and life… that has been a real mantra over the years, and I always find it interesting when science papers prove that knowledge that my skipper (who only had primary school yet knew more about fishing than most people I meet since then)

I like that duality concept, in these days where everyone wants a “silver” bullet that will fix all problems and that is never the case.

Now this paper (Fuel consumption of free-swimming school versus FAD strategies in tropical tuna purse seine fishing) from the very clever crew at AZTI,  has also a finding that goes against the established belief yet fits with my observations… one of the cards pushed by eFAD proponent is the fuel savings… yet from working with PS and checking them for years now: Purse seiners while fishing on eFADs are always on the go from eFAD to eFAD and particularly at night where they go hard to the distant ones to start the set before sunrise, while free school fishing ones (like during our FAD closure) may move more during the day, but normally turn of main engines and drift during night, as you cannot see the tuna schools breaching (unless is an amazing full moon with no clouds – happen only once to me), and in the tropics, nights are long.

So I never really bought that argument completely, and this paper proves it… yet on the other hand, FAD fishing logically presents a higher set success rate than free school (but smaller than I expected based on my WCPO experience)… However, these are very well equipped and cleverly skippered Spanish boats in the Indian Ocean. Would love to see the same paper done here in the WCPO 

Anyway… Interesting read… go for the original (free!) I quote the Abstract and Conclusions below

Abstract
Different fishing strategies have been adopted in the last decades by tropical tuna purse seiners fleet, including fish aggregating device (FAD) and free-swimming school (FSC) fishing strategies, which has raised issues about the different carbon footprint of those fishing modes. Here we show the activity and energy patterns of a Spanish tuna purse seiner operating in the tropical Indian Ocean, based on the monitoring of energy consumption over 10 consecutive fishing trips; and we also assess the fuel use intensity of FAD versus FSC fishing by analysing 14 further trips of different tropical tuna purse seiners. The average time of a fishing trip lasted 33.1 ± 11 days. The dominant activity during the fishing trip was cruising (with 68.5% of the time), followed by inactive period at sea (15.6%), fishing (7.7%), and in port (8.1%). The vessel consumed 381 ± 113 t fuel/trip, of which 90.4% was spent in cruising, 4.3% in fishing, 3.7% during the inactive period at night and 1.6% while staying in port. The main engine consumed 75% of the total fuel, while the auxiliary engines the remaining 25%. Furthermore, our results demonstrated that FAD fishing (543.6 L/t) is more fuel intensive, than FSC fishing (439.4 L/t). However, FADs fishing successful rates are higher, around 95.7 ± 3.8%, than FSC rates (around 80.6% ± 5.8). It is worth noting that the differences may be driven by seasonality and FSC availability, number of FADs in an area, vessel characteristics and equipment, and skipper skills rather than the adopted fishing strategy. Nonetheless both FAD and FSC fishing are more energy efficient than longline (1069 L/t), trolling (1107 L/t), or pole and line (1490 L/t) fisheries for Atlantic tuna, but similar or slightly less efficient than Maldivian pole and liners.

Example of a trip with high dominance of FAD sets (left) and with FSC sets (right).

Example of a trip with high dominance of FAD sets (left) and with FSC sets (right).

Conclusions
Tuna purse seiners are one of the most fuel intensive fishing fleet operating in our oceans due to, among other things, their installed power, technology onboard, catch size, and distance covered (4759 ± 1870 nm/trip with FAD and 3696 ± 2083 nm with FSC strategy) and long duration of their fishing trips (33.1 days). In terms of duration a fishing trip lasts 33.1 days, of which 68% of a trip is dedicated to cruising, 8% fishing, 16% of the time the vessel is inactive and adrift at sea, and the remaining 8% the vessel is in port. A total of 381 tonnes of fuel are consumed on average in a fishing trip, of which 90% is due to cruising, 4% to fishing, 4% to the inactive period at sea mainly at night, and 2% to stays in port. The main engine consumes the 75% of the total fuel consumption of a trip, while the 25% is used by the auxiliary engines.

Different fishing strategies can be adopted by the purse seiners (i.e., FAD o FSC), each presenting different characteristics. FSC appear to be less energy intensive than FAD (in terms of L/t). However, FADs present higher set success rates, meaning that there are technically more efficient. Both FAD and FSC are less energy intensive (in terms of L/t) that other tuna fishing gears such as longline and trolling. Comparing energy efficiency in terms of IMO’s EEOI index, tropical tuna purse seiners are on average less energy efficient in comparison to different ship types, and their scores can be comparable with those of average road transportation, highlighting their inefficiency. But the good scores found in some of the FAD trips, which were similar to those of RoRo vessels, suggest that FAD fishing can present much improved EEOI values than FSC, for which this value is quite constant and high. Further studies are necessary to compare the energy efficiency of FSC and FAD fishing under different seasons and oceans.

Are all transhipments created equal? by Francisco Blaha

Continuing with my last two blogs on the FAO guidelines on transhipments and the logistics of containerisation, I want to tackle something that does annoys me a bit , and is the perception that all transhipment are the same and they are all bad… and as usual when it comes to fisheries… one size does not fit all.  

Hi I’m a transhipment in port, and i’m not a problem

Hi I’m a transhipment in port, and i’m not a problem

Transshipment is a legitimate practice in the tuna fishing industry. In a typical transshipment operation, a refrigerated carrier vessel collects catch from multiple fishing boats and carries it back to port. This practice enables fishing vessels to continue fishing, which reduces fuel costs for fishing vessels and gets the catch to port quicker. 

Tuna fishing in the central and western Pacific Ocean is regulated by both the countries in the region and the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC). 

The WCPFC seeks to ensure, through effective management, the long-term conservation and sustainable use of highly migratory fish stocks. The Commission develops conservation and management measures that are binding on vessels that fish in the region. These are enforced in various ways, including by on-board observers, electronic vessel monitoring systems, at-sea boarding and inspection, and aerial surveillance.

The Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Convention defines transhipment as “the unloading of all or any of the fish onboard a fishing vessel to another fishing vessel either at sea or in port.” In recent years, around 80% of purse seine product and 22% of longline product harvested in the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Convention Area has been transhipped on or near the fishing grounds 

There are two main types of tuna transshipment in this part of the world.  

Transhipment in or near a port, this does not mean that the vessels have to be tied up to wharf, in fact it happens mostly in the lagoons and protected areas of the port.

For us, this happens under the authorization, control, and inspection of the country where the port is located. In most Pacific Island countries the staff of the fisheries department monitor the volumes and species composition of the catch being transferred. 

In fact, and based on my work outside the region, we apply more controls to transhipment in port than many other countries apply to their landings. Transhipment in port is the bulk of operations for the Purse Seine (PS) fleet that is by far the biggest fleet in terms of volumes catch. All PS fleet in the region has to tranship in port, and as part of the FFA surveillance mechanisms we make sure that that is the case.

And in these transhipments Port State rules are the king, therefore control is much more accessible, in fact most port states in the region are in the same unit (via FFA/PNA) with the coastal states where the fish was caught.

L1080199.jpg

The other form of transshipment in the region (which is far more problematic) is transhipments at sea, which come in two modalities:

Transhipment in the EEZ of coastal countries:  this only happens thankfully for a couple of very defined smaller fleets in a couple of countries in our region where the vessels tranship in the nationals water near the fishing grounds to carries that bring the fish back to port in the same country. This type of transhipment allow the fleet to operate more efficiently and does not compromise compliance as the coastal state knows the vessels, their operations, and the fish come back to the ports of those states where it can be accounted.

In these cases coastal state rules, and this is fundamental here

Then is high seas transhipment, which is VERY problematic- it occurs in ocean areas beyond the exclusive economic zone of any country.  In those areas the authorization and controls over the transhipments are the responsibility of the flag States of the concerned carrier vessel and fishing vessel. This type of transshipment is particularly common for longline vessels and I have written lots about it, this link will take you to plenty of explanations

And while WCPFC recognices that transshipment on the high seas could cause problems, the international agreement that established the WCPFC states: “In order to support efforts to ensure accurate reporting of catches, the members of the Commission shall encourage their fishing vessels, to the extent practicable, to conduct transshipment in port.” Recognizing this point, the Commission made a rule in 2009 stipulating there shall be no transshipment on the high seas except where a member country has determined that it is impractical for a vessel – but the Commission did not define “impractical”, thereby creating a loophole.  

As said, in these transhipments flag states rule, yet unfortunately, there are lots of doubts on how much they actually do. 

The “rule” that " there shall be no transhipment on the high seas" is compromised by the loophole that allows unscrupulous DWFNs to assert that it is "impracticable" for certain vessels to comply. We've argued for years about how to define "impracticable", and we are still nowhere close to it. Yes, we have now a Transhipment Intercessional Working Group at the WCPFC, yet its pace seems to be defined on geological timelines more than biological ones.

 All reported high seas transhipments were conducted by fishing vessels registered to just 4 countries and one fishing entity that NZ has different levels of engagement, vessels of China, Chinese Taipei (Taiwan), Korea, and Vanuatu accounted for almost 90% of those transhipments, with Japan for the rest. As 22 of the 24 registered longline vessels flagged by Vanuatu are owned by individuals or companies in China and Chinese Taipei, it may be possible to attribute an even greater portion of high seas transhipments to those two operators

(In what is perhaps the only area I’ve seen where the “one China policy” actually works CN and TW work in perfect unison in this one)

The “good” news is that it seems to be a slight decrease in the numbers of transhipments reported this year…. But considering that there are no observers out there…. I’m highly dubious of the accuracy of that number. It would very convenient to show a reduction after we (PEW and others have been hammering on this for years) shown that transshipments have increased over 160% from 544 operations in 2014 to 1472 in 2019. 

 HS transhipments have become the norm not the exception for those DWFN, and that is the opposite that the WCPFC CMM indicates.

 So the way forwards is to keep working on reforming such operations. There appear to be two possibilities for this:

  • Ban transshipment on the high seas and require any transshipment to take place in a port where it can be easily monitored; or

  • Greatly improve the monitoring of high seas transshipment.

 The first possibility would certainly result in improved accountability and transparency of the tuna catches… yet every time we try it is opposed by the transshipping vessels flag state. 

The second possibility for reforming high seas transshipment would be to have the observers onboard the carrier vessels produce detailed reports and have those reports sent in a timely manner directly to the Commission for analysis. This possibility is likely to meet less opposition than simply banning high seas transshipment and forcing a major change in the way vessels to operate.  

So in conclusion: are all transhipment created equal?  No!

How does containerisation "works" in the WCPO for purse seine and longline by Francisco Blaha

Further to my blog yesterday on containerisation as separate from transhipment, a few people asked me to explain how containerisation occurs from the logistics and operational side, and if is the same for all fleets? As I’m doing some work on that topic, here is an explanation.

container from PS.jpg

Containerisation in our region is around 2-3% of the total catch due to a set of infrastructure limitations we have, and the fact that traditional transhipments via carriers would not disappear any time soon as I explained before… particularly because most people don’t consider that the job of carriers bringing stuff is as important as the one of taking fish back to processing ports. Carriers have also a fundamental role in providing goods and parts to fishing vessels (i.e. food, mechanical parts, oil, salt, foaming and cleaning agents, ropes, cabling, net components, fishing gear, etc.).

Containerisation requires a good level of port facilities, infrastructure, and reliable electricity supply yet equally important operations and logistics management. Yet it also needs the fishing vessels to come to port, which is costly as it requires port use fees, agents, etc. 

Purse seiners (PS) fishing in the WCPO are obliged to only tranship in port as licensing condition since 90% of the skipjack occur in the EEZ of the FFA members that are part of the Parties of the Nauru Agreement (PNA). Therefore, the alternative of containerisation is potentially more accessible. 

The situation for the Pole & Line (P&L) fleet is similar since they only operate from one port in the region.

Yet the situation is totally different for the longline fleet, since most of the fishing effort (~60-70%) occurs in the high seas (HS). In the southern longline fishery, about 30 to 40% of the effort has been in the high seas in recent years. This means that coastal countries have much less leverage in the longline fishery as to oblige vessels to come to port, and an increasingly substantial volume of the fishery is transhipped in the HS.

Countries licensing longlines to fish in their EEZ, worry that by implementing unloading in port obligations, the vessels just would move to the HS, and this will impact licensing revenue. 

While under WCPFC CMM 2009-06 at sea transhipments are not allowed in the WCPFC, yet there is an “impracticability exception” which has been abused. This is because impracticability is not defined nor explained, so many boat owners take advantage. 

Consequently, in recent years, the number of reported at-sea transhipments within the WCPFC Convention Area increased by 166%; from 554 transfers in 2014 to 1472 in 2019 (WCPFC 2020a[1]). Furthermore, as of 13 November 2020, 62% of vessels on the Record of Fishing Vessels (WCPFC 2020b[2]) were authorised to tranship in the high seas (WCPFC 2020b). The same study shows that the fishing vessels allowed to tranship at sea are mainly flagged to Taiwan, China, Vanuatu and Republic of Korea, and that the carriers receiving that fish are flagged to Taiwan, Panama, Korea, Liberia, China and Vanuatu.

For the longline (LL) fleet coming to port implies higher expenses than transhipments at sea, hence containerisation of landings is mostly limited to vessels associated to coastal states by permits, vessels chartered to local companies or domestic vessels. 

Freezer longliners can also be sub-divided between those that have ultra-low temperature freezing (ULT) capability at -60°CC and those that have -35 to -40°C freezing capacity, with the former commanding a price premium, hence the option of unloading fish aimed at ULT sashimi market is and tractive for vessel owners, albeit the expenses. In fact, many vessels licensed to coastal states land and containerise their ULT tunas and tranship the rest of the catch of lower value (i.e. swordfish, marlins, mola mola, mahi mahi, wahoo, and permitted sharks)

As the realities of the fleets are so different, I analyze each fleet independently, albeit some of the ports used being the same.

Purse Seine

As discussed, the WCPO PS fishery relies mostly on transhipments. Containerisation takes place on a much lower scale and is generally associated to specific ports and logistics arrangements. In some cases, vessels do tranship skipjack and smaller yellowfin and bigeye, but also unload for containerisation the bigger YF and Big Eye to be added to the longline value chain. 

In PS fisheries containerisation traditionally occurred without grading into species or direct weighing of fish, which are only estimated – through good approximations are generally obtained when containers reached capacity. Yet, theoretically offers the opportunity to sort catches by species and/or size, thus enhancing the opportunity for diversified marketing.

On board logistics

Once on board, tuna pass below deck to be loaded into wells. Bigger vessels employ chute systems while other conveyor belt systems to direct catch into desired wells, that also quickly deliver catch to wells. Tuna in PS are generally chilled whole in refrigerated seawater (RSW) without bleeding, or removing the gills, or gutting, and then brine immersion freezing. This technique involves storing fish in brine (made by adding salt to sea water) and reducing the temperature of the brine until the fish (but not the brine) are frozen.

Freezing such large amount of fish requires very large powerful freezing equipment and high volume wells which occupy much of the lower part of the vessel and are equipped with batteries of pumps for brine and RSW circulation. In the larger vessels, there are also ”dry or side lockers” that work a "additional freezer" where already brine frozen fish is stored “dry” (as without brine). Newer vessels also have specially adapted “dry locker" that act as blast freezers for higher value species, like those in LLs that can freeze and maintain to -35C

Landing logistics

Once a PS comes to wharf side and is tied up it can take a while until unloading is authorised depending on the level of inspection and regulatory steps required. 

Once landing is authorised, the following steps take place:

From well to deck
The “lifting” of the tuna out of the wells can be done in two distinctive ways:

Dry fish
In traditional unloading, the brine is pumped out of a well and the hand expansion valves are turned off an hour or so before the start of unloading. If a well is not packed too tightly, and the salinity of the brine used for brining and re-brining and the temperature in the wells are properly adjusted, the unloaders should be able to “hook” the fish loose from the mass of frozen fish and loaded into the cargo nets to the deck. 

Increasingly tuna is classified by species before loading into the net, and then sent up in separate nets, and/or further are separated on deck and put in different nets prior to unloading. 

In newer vessels, frozen fish from the wells is removed during the finishing trip and stored in the dry/side lockers that are never brined. Tuna is stored separated by species; the unloading process works on the same principle as the nets.

This is by far the most common way of unloading for transhipment and landing. 

Wet fish
Often fish are unloaded by the “floating off" method when they are to be transhipped. Under this procedure, the brine is left in the well during unloading. As soon as individual fish separate from the mass of fish they float to the top of the well since the brine has a greater specific gravity than the fish.

Long-handled hooks are used to separate the fish. The floating fish are taken out of the wells and moved via conveyor belts or chutes straight to shore and put in cargo nets, which are hoisted from the hold to the deck.

Wet fish method is often used when the unload goes straight into bins for processing or storage, but is not used for transhipping or containerisation since the ability to handle fish loaded in the holds of carriers or stuff them into a container as 'wet fish” is lower, as fish to then be removed from containers is frozen together taking more to operate, and resulting in higher rejects from broken fish.

From deck to wharf/pier
Once fish is on cargo nets on the deck of the Purse Seiner, they are hoisted by one of the cranes of the vessels or by shore-based one, straight to the wharf or to a platform at the wharf, either using one of the vessels' own winches or a shore-based crane.

A recent innovation that has accelerated the efficiency of unloading times, is the use of loading platforms to sort and load fish.

Loading (stuffing) of Containers
This is a mostly manual operation albeit with the different levels of mechanisation available in terms of loaders. They involve stevedoring staff in the wharf, platforms, and inside the containers, requiring regular breaks and staff rotation. 

Stuffing a container manually with 20 tonnes of fish can take around 2 to 4 hours, depending on: 

  • The weather (unloading is always suspended when it rains as it “wets’ the fish and also the whole operation becomes more slippery and therefor unsafe for operators) 

  • Quantity and experience of stevedoring staff 

  • The use of different types of chutes or conveyors to move fish into the container. 

This compares with the ability of more sophisticated loaders able to stuff a full container in one hour.

The working hours correspond to those of the unloading vessel, usually, 7 am to 10 pm with various breaks for food. Yet in some cases, if the unloading is done with a contracted unloading crew, the process can be done over 24 hrs, yet this is very unusual.  Photo 3 show the “stuffing” of PS tuna

Controls by fisheries authority normally take place during this stage (either officers or unloading monitors depending on the port state set up) evaluate volumes, estimated species composition, species of interest, etc.

Representatives of both, the unloading vessels and the responsible for the containers, are also part of these controls since accurate weights per species are key for crew payments and insurance premiums for the shipping of the containers. 

Efficient shore storage logistics are fundamental, since unloading from the vessel is a time-constrained operation and requires enough precooled containers and at least a loaded container lifting/moving machine and depending on the distance to the plugging points, container moving trucks, etc.

Once containers are fully loaded, they are moved to the electricity connection points “plug in” points able to provide 360-500 Volt, 50 or 60 Hz for the refrigeration units to freeze down the tuna to at least-18C. 

The cooling down can take many hours depending on the general temperature of the loaded fish and the "stuffing density’, as cooled air sped, and circulation are dependent on it. Containers need to reach the set temperature range specified by the shipping company before the container ship will allow them to be loaded.

Shore storage and container loading logistics
Reliability of industrial power supply (360-500 Volt) is fundamental for storage, and this has been historically a problem in the region. ADB (2019)[4] reports that the Pacific region faces a unique set of electricity challenges. Its limited supply of domestic fossil fuel resources has led to a historical dependence on imported fuels for power generation, and a corresponding vulnerability to fluctuating energy prices. At the same time, outdated power infrastructure, geographical dispersion, small economies of scale, and limited generation capacity lead to high electricity tariffs (or costly subsidies), transmission and distribution losses. 

Summed to this reality Van Duin et all (2019)[5] reports that refrigerated containers are responsible for 40% of the total energy consumption of container terminals, when connected to the electricity grid on shore. Every time when many containers are plugged in after arrival, peaks in energy consumption occur. 

While power consumption is high after plugging in, once the cargo has been cooled to low-temperature mode (below -10°C) the refrigeration unit is run in on/off mode, hence the average power consumption falls. Yet, power consumption per container is affected by environmental variables such as ambient temperature, wind speed and the level of direct sun exposure of the container.

CHB[6] (2021) reports that a 40' refrigerated container set at -21C and operating at a ambient temperature of 37.8°C, has average power consumption values of approximately 5.3 to 4.5 kW according to the type of refrigeration unit used.

Container ships operating to most pacific ports are self-loading (they have their own container loading cranes on board) and operate on tight schedules allowing 12-24 hrs operations per port. Therefore, the port container logistics need to be tight and involve the agents and all line agencies (Port Authority, Customs, pilots, biosecurity, immigration, etc). 

Containers need to be arriving in sufficient numbers to be loaded in an uninterrupted way while minimising temperature loss. The cargo vessel Chief Officer will check the minimum temperature once containers are plugged in onboard, and containers out of the temperature range are rejected. 

Shipping agents and exporters need to have all documentation ready and approved, i.e. Load list for all containers and verified weights per container, shipping instructions (with individual container identification), Bill of lading, export permits, and depending the jurisdiction and destiny, specific clearance for illicit drugs, biosecurity, bioterrorism and other may be required.

Longline

In the WCPO, there are two longline fisheries – the Southern and Tropical longline fisheries. Vessels operating within the Tropical longline fishery are typically large-scale distant water vessels fishing between 20ºN-20ºS, which target bigeye and yellowfin for sashimi markets, with smaller volumes of incidentally caught albacore. Vessels operating in the Southern longline fishery are typically smaller (<100GT) and target albacore for canning markets in subtropical waters below 10ºS and have small volumes of incidental bigeye and yellowfin bycatch.

With advancements in freezer technology, particularly for the smaller vessels, the distinction between the tropical and southern longline fleets has become less obvious, with some vessels now having the ability to switch targets depending on seasonality, fishing location, stock abundance, etc., moving between both fisheries.

There is an important intersection between some freezer longliners (large and small-scale) and both the sashimi and canning-grade chains. A longline vessel's albacore may be sold for canning, while BE and YF is sold for sashimi/value-added products. Importantly, and more recent development, high-quality albacore is increasingly consumed as sashimi in Japan. Japan traders mostly only take albacore from Japanese vessels and sometimes Taiwanese ones.

The albacore needs to be handled properly onboard (and differently to canning grade albacore), so a conscious decision is made by vessels to catch and handle albacore for the sashimi market.

FFA 2017 estimated that collectively, China, Taiwan, Korea, and Japan's longline vessels have accounted for 75-83% of the total number of longliners active in the WCPO. In terms of catch volume, these fleets have accounted for 39-48% of total longline catch under flag-based allocation, with additional catches attributed to chartering states.

Japan is the major global market for sashimi quality tuna, accounting for around 80% of global sashimi consumption originating from tropical tuna catches, FFA 29017 estimates that 65% is delivered by reefer carrier, 15% by ULT containers, and 15% by longliner vessels offloading directly (e.g. the Korean fleet).

For longline albacore, an estimated 50-60% of the catch is consumed on the US market (FFA, 2017) the rest is processed mostly in Bangkok.

On board logistics

Once on board, catches are, depending on the species, processed to a different extent on board; yellowfin, bigeye, and bluefin are bleed, chilled, gilled and gutted (eviscerated), fast-frozen, and then stored at -35C or -60C depending on the vessel characteristics. Lower value species are normally gutted and either gilled or head and fins removed to then sent to freezer storage.

Most Asian longliners in the WCPO have a very similar deck configuration, one hatch with a door entry on the stern side of the deck, one “central” hatch, and two equally sized hatches towards the bow end of the deck.

For the last decade, most fish caught in freezer longliners get a closed loop of monofilament line added to their carcass (normally to the caudal end and called “tail loop" during processing, to help with their transfer, movements on board, and unloading.

Landing logistics

Once a LL comes to the wharf side and is tied up it can take a while until unloading is authorised depending on the level of inspection and regulatory steps required.

Once landing is authorised, the following steps take place:

From hatches to deck
Crew wearing freezer gear enter the hatches and remove fish one by one.

For those fish in hatches at main deck level, the fish is dragged out. For fish below deck, a closed circle of thicker rope is fed through the “tail loop" to gather the fish together. The ends of this thick looped rope were slipped over the hook at the end of the vessel's winch/boom cable. Initially, the fish are removed from the LL vessel's hatch, with its cable and hook, and then placed on the deck.

From deck to wharf/pier
From deck to wharf depending on the height difference in between the vessel's deck and wharf side as well as tide range.

In the case of the vessel being at level or above the wharf height, chutes or sometimes conveyor belts from the wharf are used to disembark the fish.

When the wharf is above the vessel height, either the fish is placed on cargo nets on the deck of the longliners, or a closed circle of thicker rope is fed through the “tail loop" to gather the fish together.

Then either the ends of this thick looped rope or the four corners of the cargo net are slipped over the hook at the end of a shore-based crane cable to be hoisted to thick canvas or to a platform made out of plastic pallets at the wharf.

In the best-case scenarios, the refrigerated containers are placed as close as possible to unloaded fish, but in others the fish may be loaded in trays or cages and then transported by forklift to the “mouth” of the containers.

The working hours correspond to those of the unloading vessel, usually, 7 am to 10 pm with various breaks for food. Yet in some cases, if the unloading is done with a contracted unloading crew, the process can be done over 24 hrs, yet this is very unusual.

Containers can either be directly opened or through a covered “tunnel’ normally a container with both ends open. This tunnel protects from potential rain or direct sun.

In both cases, there is an electronic scale there where fish are weighted one by one, or in groups of the same species prior to being loaded into the precooled container.

Controls by fisheries authority normally take place during this stage (either officers or unloading monitors depending on the port state set up) evaluate volumes, estimated species composition, species of interest, etc.

Representatives of both; the unloading vessels and the responsible for the containers are also part of these controls since accurate weights per species are key for crew payments and insurance premiums for the shipping of the containers.

Loading (stuffing) of Containers
Fish is accounted "tallied " and then manually stuffed into the containers, until weight capacity is reached, and the container closed.

Once containers are fully loaded, they are moved to the electrical connection points (360-500 Volt, 50 or 60 Hz) for the refrigeration units to freeze down the tuna to -35C. The cooling down can take many hours depending on the general temperature of the loaded fish and the" stuffing density" as cooled air sped, and circulation is dependent on it. Containers need to reach the set temperature range specified by the shipping company before the container ship will allow them to be loaded.

Shore storage and container loading logistics
The reliability of electricity is more important for ULT containers since the temperate requirements are higher and failures con be very costly.

Once containers are plugged in, the logistics and management are no different than those explained under PS


References

[1] WCPFC. 2020a. “Annual Report on WCPFC transhipment reporting. WCPFC-TCC16-2020-RP03, Technical and Compliance Committee. Pohnpei, Federated States of Micronesia.

[2] WCPFC. 2020b. WCPFC Record of Fishing Vessels. Accessed 13 November 2020, https://www.wcpfc. int/record-fishing-vessel-database

[4] ADB, 2019. Pacific Energy Update. https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/institutional-document/545686/pacific-energy-update-2019.pdf

[5] Van Duin et al. 2019. Factors causing peak energy consumption of reefers at container terminals. J. shipp. trd. 4,  https://doi.org/10.1186/s41072-019-0040-y

[6] CHB. 2021. Container Handbook. German Marine Insures organization. https://www.containerhandbuch.de/chb_e/index.html

The FAO Transhipment Guidelines Expert Consultation and the Containarisation issue by Francisco Blaha

Based on the outcomes of Thirty-fourth Session of the Committee on Fisheries (COFI), which met virtually in february, FAO Members agreed on the need for international guidelines on transshipment in fisheries. Members welcomed FAO’s in-depth study on transshipment, published in December 2020, and expressed concern on the risks that inadequately regulated, controlled and monitored transshipment poses in relation to IUU fishing. (I had a go to this document here).

Picture containera.jpg

Yet there are different types of transshipment operations, not all of which have negative impacts on the sustainability of fisheries, and noted that consideration should be made for regional specificities of transshipment operations. So FAO worked on the first draft of the voluntary guidelines and convened an Expert Consultation to review this draft. The expert consultation will take place in Rome next week 11 to 15 October.

 I don't know much about who has been invited to the consultation other than my ex-boss and friend Sam Lanwi (ex-deputy director of MIMRA in the Marshals and now deputy Ambassador to UN bodies based in Geneva).

Majuro is the tuna transhipment capital of the world (written a lot of my work there) and the many aspects of transhipment have been the cornerstone of the last 10 years of my work particularly when it comes to PSM, monitoring and logistics… since my fisherman days to now I must have been involved in over 500 transhipments… maybe 20 at sea and the rest in ports of the region with over 280 in Majuro itself).

Without having seen the draft (is only for the experts and they have been asked not to share them) I totally agree we need to standardise the data and the monitoring structure of transhipments, in particular those at sea (I’ll be happy to see them gone or at least only done with independent observers and electronic reporting and Monitoring

Yet I worry a lot based on what they wrote in the Transhipment: a closer look study that will try to incorporate containerisation in the wharf as part of the definition of transhipment… and that really worries me.., as I not what we do and believe in the region… and here is where we do most of the transhipments in the world and so far I know there is only one representative at the table.

The nuts of the issue is that the Transhipment study recommends,”that the definition of transhipment should extend to indirect transfers through, vehicles, points, containers, installations, facilities, or premises used for the carriage, storage or facilitating the transfer or transit of such catch” and as I believe the same people that wrote this study wrote the draft guidelines… that would be pushed. That will subvert all the PSM work we have done around here and let down PSM itself.

The great thing about PSM is that give the port state the opportunity of not authorising the unloading of fish from a vessel that has not proven his catches are legally caught. Ergo if the fish was illegally caught in the trip just before, the unloading is the time to act! Not month later when fish in a container arrives at some commercial port somewhere else in the world thousands of km from where the IUU event happen and the vessels that committed when back fishing again many times. 

PSM are never as effective as in the 1st port and should never be subservient to the customs status of that fish.

 Transhipment should only take place in cases where there are clear and agreed definitions of what constitutes “transhipment”. The present definition in the WCPFC suffice and are also reflected by the EU IUU regulation. Furthermore, is consistent with FAO Voluntary Guidelines for Catch Documentation Schemes (VGCDS). This transfer should only happen directly in between two vessels.

In this context, the term “landing” should reflect the definition of the VGCDS means the initial movement of fish from a vessel to dockside in a port or free-trade zone, even if subsequently transferred to another vessel. The offload or transfer in port of fish from a vessel to a container is a landing” and it seems that the intention is that fisheries definition landing should constrained by the prescribed process of entry into a country or to have been cleared as an import by customs.

I really believe that this process will substantially undermine the effectiveness expected of PSM best practices.

In fact that Transhipment study recognises that while an increase in direct transfers of fish from catching vessels to containers has been observed in different regions of the world.

These transfers are variously termed “transhipment in transit” or "transhipment to container" that take place mostly in customs bonded ports, without fisheries inspections or any reporting on the landing or transhipment of volumes and species transferred. 

 It points that with this activity, a lack of clear definition in terms of landing and doubt over the application of port State measures, all lead to monitoring uncertainties, this in turn increases the risks associated with unloading catches directly to containers, potentially giving rise to high adverse fisheries impacts. 

This practice deliberately blurs the line between landing and transhipment, in fact not defining it as either the one or the other. Authorities in the following port will not have clarity whether the catch has been previously landed or not, and no effective port State measures may be applied at any point. In these cases, catch enters the supply chain without any fisheries inspector ever having seen the fish and without any monitoring and control

This significantly increases the risk of IUU caught fish entering the seafood supply chain, when the fish is directly “transferred'’ to containers without any monitoring and control.

In practice, transfers into containers can be used to circumvent port State measures, especially when the fisheries products are assumed to have been previously landed upon arrival at the containers' destination port. It appears that with the growing number of parties to the PSMA and with strengthened port State measures all around the globe this practice could be chosen by certain industry actors as one way to transfer fisheries products into the market without monitoring or control.

Increasing containerisation should not be a reason to start calling landings transhipments.

I also believe that the increase of containerisation is also not as a much portrayed in the WCPO 

What is the situation of containerisation in the WCPO?

The Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Convention (WCPFC) defines transhipment as “the unloading of all or any of the fish on board a fishing vessel to another fishing vessel either at sea or in port.”

Up to 2019, around 80% of purse seine product and 22% of longline product harvested in the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Convention Area (WCPF-CA) has been transhipped on or near the fishing grounds. Yet the figure for LL is increasingly questioned since, contrary to the Commission's intentions and rules, the number of high seas transhipments in the WCPO is increasing.

Reports to the Commission indicate that such transhipments have increased from 544 operations in 2014 to 1,472 in 2019. It appears that high seas transhipments are becoming the norm, rather than the exception. This situation is not conducive to the long-term conservation and sustainable use of tuna resources in the region – a stated aim of the WCPFC.

Interestingly “landing” is not defined in the convention (nor in the key FAO Key reference documents other than the CDS guidelines)[1], yet its understood as “fish that is unloaded to land “(wharf) under the principle that “unloading to port” been the de facto understanding of landing in the agreed data standards to be submitted to the WCPFC.

A recent development has been the increased direct containerisation of purse seine (PS), longline (LL) and Pole and line (P&L) catches that are unloaded onshore (and thus not considered as transhipping as defined by the WCPF Convention.

While in other jurisdictions this is referred as “transhipment to containers”, in all the Pacific Islands Fisheries Forum Agency (FFA) membership[2] is considered a landing/unloading to port under the FFA Post State Measures Framework, independently of the customs rules applying to the port where the operation takes place. 

The standardised view is that any fish leaving a fishing vessel while in the port area, either to be transhipped and/or landed can only do so under the authorisation and monitoring of the fishery authority of the port state. The next place of storage of the unloaded fish, being cool store, a processing establishment or a container to be shipped, is irrelevant in terms of PSM best practices to be applied.

 The volumes of tuna landed and processed in FFA countries presently represents approximately 14% of total fleet catches within FFA waters[3]. The unloading of fishing vessels to wharf to be then loaded into refrigerated (freight/shipping) from longline, P&L and purse seine operations but is not per se in captured in the regional statistics. While I’m working on the final numbers for FFA  that is likely less than 2 to 3 % in comparison to the catch currently transhipped to reefer carriers

Landing, sorting and containerisation is enticing for processors in the countries of destination (mostly in terms of production planning and logistics), yet also provides some benefits for the ports where it happens, as it provides employment opportunities. 

Furthermore, as longs as it is done in the framework of PSM, it facilitates monitoring by the port state authorities in terms of legality (not unload unless proven legal) including a better monitoring of volumes by species during unloading, but also during logistics since they have a maximum allowed capacity (20-25 tons), depending on the freight company.

The industry standard is 40ft refrigerated containers, based on the needs (PS or Longline) they can operate form the regulatory required of -18C down to -65C in specially insulated containers.

As discussed above, reality is that only a limited fraction by total volume of the tuna caught in the region is landed in Pacific Island Countries (PICs) and an even smaller containerised. Limited competitive onshore processing capacity and limited port facilities are the key reasons for this reality. 

Proximity to the raw material, the major comparative advantage over processors based outside of the region has not proven to be a sufficient advantage to generate an expansion of domestic processing.

Country specific and regional impediments include (but are not limited to) logistical issues, small domestic markets, lack of appropriate port infrastructure, market access issues, the lack of economies of scale, land availability and higher utility and other production costs[4]

There is always people involved and volumes measured during containarisation

There is always people involved and volumes measured during containarisation

Carriers vs Containers

As discussed, with few processing facilities handling purse seine fish in the region, transhipping is the predominant way to getting the fish from the WCPO fishing grounds to the processing centres in Asia (Thailand, Vietnam, Philippines) and Ecuador.  

The big three trading companies (FCF, Trimarine and Itochu) charter carriers and place them in the in a few ports (Majuro, Pohnpei, Rabaul, Funafuti, Honiara, Kiritimati and Tarawa) depending on shifting fishing grounds and licensing conditions. Some companies (mostly from Taiwan and Korea), operate their own carriers in conjunction with their vessels.

Of the 232 carriers on the WCPFC Record of Fishing Vessels register above >1,000 GT in March 2019, an estimated 140 are active in transhipping fish from the WCPO. Of these, over half were flagged to Panama. Of the remaining fleets, Korea had the next highest number of active vessels with 27 (owned by only 7 companies), followed by the Philippines (14 vessels) and China (9 vessels).

Interestingly, the COVID-19 pandemic has strengthened “transhipment in port” as safe bet and will potentially incentivise investment in extending the life of the present fleet of carriers and the constructions of new ones. 

Mr Lee (2021, per comm) a tuna operator I know with more than 30 years in the industry said: “If we didn’t had carriers they wouldn’t be any canned tuna in the market by now. And if there something we know in fishing, is not to have all your eggs in one basket, and with fishing vessels not allowed to land in most pacific island ports for over a year, containerisation was impossible, and we will in trouble"

This is in coincidence with MRAG (2019)[5] that reports that most fishing companies, traders and carrier operators interviewed for their study reported that containers had relatively little influence on the market to date, apart from squeezing margins from the old carrier business. Most thought that carriers would continue to be the dominant method of transporting fish to market for the “foreseeable future” 

The most common reasons given for this view were that:

  • loading of containers was too 'fiddly' and time consuming – in the purse seine sector, unloading to conventional carrier typically took 3-4 days, while unloading to container typically took 6-7 days. Given limited wharf space in many Pacific Islands, some interviewees also noted that fishing vessels unloading to containers would often be 'kicked off' wharf to allow higher priority container or bunker ships to unload. Ultimately companies saw this as a loss of fishing days and therefore money 

  • container facilities and logistical support are very limited in most Pacific Islands at present.

  • the slower nature of loading containers also presented risks to the cold chain and some companies reported having problems with reliability of containers, leading to rejection of fish at market

  • scheduling is a problem in Pacific islands – because volumes are very small, there is uncertainty about when fish can be delivered to market (by contrast, dedicated conventional carriers are a direct “door to door'' service). The lack of 'backfilling' opportunities would also undermine the economics of container carriers 

  • Our port Containerisations depend on efficient and cost-effective port operations, yet port capacity and infrastructure in the Pacific region has historically been limited, most ports in the region are well below international standards in terms of infrastructure and operations

  • Electricity infrastructure is very limited and expensive in the region a 40' refrigerated container set at -21C and operating at a ambient temperature of 37.8°C, has average power consumption values of approximately 5.3 to 4.5 kW according to the type of refrigeration unit used

  • Two of the companies involved in providing high seas longline carrier services said containers had had very little impact on the high seas transhipment business to date, noting that containers were ‘only competition if vessels came to port’

A further aspect seldom addressed, is that carriers have also a fundamental role in providing good and parts to fishing vessels (i.e. food, mechanical parts, oil, salt, foaming and cleaning agents, ropes, cabling, net components, fishing gear, etc.). 

Using salt as an example; FFA (2021)[6] reports the use of an estimated annual use 140000 tonnes of bagged salt used by the Purse Seine fleet in the FFA Membership (with the qualification that these are conservative numbers). 

Salt is delivered to PS by carriers while at sea, prior or during transhipments. As reference point the number of containers needed to transport this volume into the PICs using an avg weight limit of 20 ton per container is 7000 containers. This figure can be substantially more than the present annual total number of containers handled by most ports in the FFA membership.

Carriers have also a fundamental role on crew rotation and replacements on the fishing fleet. Since is substantially cheaper to have crew as passengers on carriers to then meet the vessels in the HS or in port, than to fly them to the Pacific Islands. This extends to visa issues since the gateways for flights to Pacific Islands are USA, Australia and NZ that require transit visas for most SE Asian nationalities, which are expensive and difficult to get, particularly for those without credit cards.

Comparative costs

Cheaper costs of shipping fish in reefer containers as compared to shipping fish by reefer vessel to cannery locations is of critical importance for the practice of containerisation, yet prices varies according to location, the availability of containers (which can be problematic in most ports in the pacific given the relatively small amounts of frozen inbound cargo and which can therefore require sending in empties), plus changing and fluctuating rates of third party shipping companies required to move containers from the end point of shipping company routes to canneries.

FAO (2021) [7] analysed the typical costs of shipping containers from Majuro (excluding all shore-based costs of stuffing containers, plug-in etc)[8] to canneries in Thailand and Indonesia, these are estimated to be in the order of USD 200-275/tonne. Over 2018-2021 the cost of shipping a 40ft container from RMI to both Bangkok and Jakarta by the Mariana's Express Line (MELL) ranged from USD 5 000 to USD 7 000, but an average/typical cost was USD 5 500 (i.e. USD 211 per tonne if containers are stuffed with 26 tonnes, or USD 275 if only 20 tonnes is in a containers). Other indications are that shipping costs (excluding all shore-based costs) may typically be USD 300-350/tonne. 

While costs charged by carriers for the transport of fish to canneries in Thailand and other main destinations vary for macro-economic, geographic and seasonal reasons, the cost ranges from 240 to 350 USD per ton, with no shore-based costs.

conati $.png

A recent article from The Economist (18 Sept 2021)[9], reports the average cost of shipping a standard large container (a 40-foot-equivalent unit, or feu) has surpassed $10,000, some four times higher than a year ago (see chart on the right).

The spot price for sending such a box from Shanghai to New York, which in 2019 would have been around $2,500, is now nearer $15,000. Securing a late booking on the busiest route, from China to the west coast of America, could cost $20,000. 

Globally 8m teus (20-foot-equivalent units) are in port or waiting to be unloaded, up by 10% year-on-year.  But disruption after disruption means that the containers are losing their reputation for low prices and reliability. Few experts think things will get better anytime soon. The dislocations could even hasten a reordering of global trade.

In the first seven months of 2021, cargo volumes between Asia and North America were up by 27% compared with pre-pandemic levels, according to BIMCO, a shipowners’ association. Port throughput in America was 14% higher in the second quarter of 2021 than in 2019. There has been little growth elsewhere: throughput in northern Europe is 1% lower. Yet rates on all routes have rocketed (see below), because ships have set sail to serve lucrative transpacific trade, starving others of capacity.

conta 2.png

So yea… I’m no one among the experts, yet I really hope that containerisation is NEVER included into the transhipment definition, as is going to be a mess, furthermore it only favours the dodgy countries that allow it to happen without any controls from its fisheries authorities.

We have a hard time already, to have smug operators come to challenge us (as they already did) showing us a FAO document that goe against what we are trying to do

References
[1] Landing” means the initial movement of fish from a vessel to dockside in a port or free-trade zone, even if subsequently transferred to another vessel. The offload or transfer in port of fish from a vessel to a container is a landing. http://www.fao.org/3/i8076en/I8076EN.pdf

[2] Australia, Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea,  Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu

[3] FFA, 2020. Economic and Development Indicators and Statistics: Tuna Fisheries of the Western and Central Pacific Ocean

[4] FFA, 2017. Economic and Development Indicators and Statistics Tuna Fisheries of the Western and Central Pacific Ocean

[5] MRAG, 2019. MRAG - WCPO Transshipment Business Ecosystem Study

[6] FFA, 2021. An assessment of fishing vessels plastic waste generation in the WCPO region, and potential measures to improve waste management in the fleet.

[7] FAO, 2021. The purse seine tuna fishery value chain in the Republic of the Marshall Islands: Phase 1 project design report. (in press)

[8] But including insurance premiums that shipping companies pay to their insurers which are built into shipping costs, and which in turn are based on long-term assessment of any claims made against the shipping companies for damaged fish.

[9] A perfect storm for container shipping.  https://amp.economist.com/finance-and-economics/a-perfect-storm-for-container-shipping/21804500

What about the consumer choice? by Francisco Blaha

Enjoy your choices becuase most people in fishing do not have many

Enjoy your choices becuase most people in fishing do not have many

This paper had been in the pipeline for me to read for a while, which is unfair since I worked with one of the authors (Mariana Toussaint) during my involvement in the development of the Social Responsibility Guidelines for FAO, where she works.

Her paper with the other two researchers Intends to shed light on this nexus through qualitative research relying on in-depth interviews with decision-makers along the food value chain. Results suggest that consumers are sensitive to social abuse practices, but they face difficulties to access information in order to inform their decisions. Therefore, a higher investment in transparency instead of certifications is recommendable, as sometimes companies could be considered greenwashing.

And I like to highlight the following… “a higher investment in transparency instead of certifications is recommendable”… since align directly with my personal opinion on the topic, furthermore is my take that the effort for transparency should be based on strengthening the regulatory bodies in charge of social responsibility from the flag state all the way to the importing market.

As ai said before …The irony for me is mind-blowing. If a NGO or private certifications wants to help on these very real issues, why not just support the official institutions in the countries whose job and whole existence is to deal with those issues?

As usual, read the original. I quote here the abstract and part of the discussion

 Abstract

The environmental, economic, and social impact of food value chains have attracted the attention of a wide range of stakeholders. However, only a few studies have focused on sustainability in the food industry in terms of social responsibility from a developing country perspective. Indeed, existing analysis has not adequately addressed the role of social responsibility on consumers’ preferences and purchasing decision. This paper intends to shed light on this nexus through qualitative research relying on in-depth interviews with decision-makers along the food value chain. Results suggest that consumers are sensitive to social abuse practices, but they face difficulties to access information in order to inform their decisions. Therefore, a higher investment in transparency instead of certifications is recommendable, as sometimes companies could be considered greenwashing. In this regard a number of opinion leaders, including retailers and wholesalers, unions, media, and governments, can play a key role to enhance awareness through information flows.

 Part of the discussion

 The collaboration between trade unions, some NGOs and media is important to address these problems as it happened with environmental problems worldwide. Likewise, the collaboration between governments, the industry and trade unions is important to counterbalance powers in order to take actions from both conceptual and practical perspectives. The importance of increasing traceability systems to monitor operations and activities related to who has been involved in the elaboration of a product is key, especially as FVCs are getting longer and more complex. Furthermore, the identification of food brands is hardly recognized, as well as food products made under bad working conditions. Thus, the relationship between food brands and food products is less acknowledged from the consumers’ perspective. Consumers hardly identify a food product with its brand. Moreover, consumers may change their habits to mitigate bad practices, and they can turn to local markets as well as places where they know are responsible in their operations. Although consumers have the purchasing power, the prescribers of good social practices are those actors involved in a product's chain, but particularly retailers, wholesalers and governments. Both in collaboration with trade unions, NGOs international organizations, institutions and with their business partners.

 

 

 

 

Fishers in distant water fishing have been disproportionally impacted by COVID-19 by Francisco Blaha

When I started fishing, it was a bit of an old school apprenticeship process… you had to do a basic training at the fishing school, then spend time on a fishing boat to pike up days under the “wing” of an experienced master fisher/skipper. “Padrino” was the one that gave me that opportunity (something I’m eternally grateful to him)… he was not a man of many words, yet full of wisdom. He always had a saying or a metaphor to make his point.

yeap… I’m the reasons your can of tuna is cheap

yeap… I’m the reasons your can of tuna is cheap

One of it earliest and one that keeps seen over the last 40 years is that: “fishing is like a chicken coop, the chickens on the top shit over the ones below, and so on… fisherman are at the bottom so we always get all the shit, and underneath us is just the ocean… we are the ones that pay the real price of fish”

So life wasn't hard enough for fishers (I wrote extensively on the labour rights and mental health) this recent paper (Seafarers in fishing: A year into the COVID-19 pandemic) proves, what we knew, yet is good to see it fully explained.

 Seafarers/Fishers in distant water fishing have been disproportionally impacted by COVID-19.

Furthermore, it highlights 2 points I fully agree with and have been pushing wherever I can; Enhanced labor protections are needed for workers in distant water fishing, and a human rights approach to countering serious restrictions is worth considering.

This also fits on my opposition by principle against private certifications in the fisheries labour area.

As usual: read the original!  I just quote the abstract and the discussion/conclusions and put in italics the parts I fully believe in.

Abstract

This paper builds on our earlier publication that examined COVID-19, instability and migrant fish workers in Asia during the initial six months of the pandemic. Drawing on interviews with port-based support organizations and various other international organizations, we outline how pre-existing structural marginalizations of seafarers in distant water fishing has made them particularly vulnerable to the negative impacts of pandemic management policies for seafarers. We focus our analysis on obstacles to crew change and reduced access to crucial shore services.

The basis of these longer term marginalizations includes the exclusion of fishing from the Maritime Labor Convention, the marginal status of fishing among global organizations concerned with seafarers, the dispersed ownership of fishing vessels compared to concentrated corporate ownership in shipping, lack of unionization, and frequent inaccessibility of consular assistance in fishing ports.

We also highlight differences among important fishing ports, showing that repatriation of crew and access to shore services is the outcome of negotiation among a constellation of port-based actors.

Discussion and conclusions

COVID-19 has created major problems for all seafarers, including significant obstacles for crew change and repatriation, along with access to essential shore services. We show in this paper how seafarers in global fishing have been especially affected by these issues, due to pre-existing structural marginalizations. The problems experienced by seafarers in fishing due to the pandemic thus help reveal the long term and institutionalized ways that workers in fishing have been marginalized compared even to seafarers in other sectors. The modes of marginalization are multiple and complex, but taken together they demonstrate how work in fishing continues to be treated as exceptional in ways that justify the exclusion of workers from many basic labor and human rights afforded to other seafarers and to terrestrial workers.

COVID-19 is also revealing the limits of C188 as a way of addressing these problems. While C188 can be a good start for committing flag states to implementing regulations to provide for some basic standards on working conditions, it does not include provisions present in the MLC (Maritime Labour Convention, 2006) that are crucial to the well-being of seafarers. This suggests consideration of how protections in the MLC could be extended, or how fishing workers can be brought under the MLC. To some extent this can be done on a case-by-case, or port-by-port basis, as some countries and ports already include seafarers in fishing under policies for seafarers more broadly. But this can only happen in places where current policies are liberally interpreted. Another option would be to extend national labor law to fishing vessels where this is feasible.

The research further illustrates how important it is to address problems at multiple scales, including internationally. The ITF, ILO, and IMO are key organizations who have been supportive of seafarers in fishing at a global scale, but they are limited in their capacity to act by the lack of legal instruments that they can use as leverage, as well as their physical absence from many fishing ports. We have also shown that the marginalizations identified in this paper also need to be addressed on a port-by-port basis, where legal and institutional resources vary, and where informal practice may not always be consistent with formal policy. For example, it does not help to specify a role for flag state government officials (for example, C188, article 43) [28], if flag state representatives are not accessible.

Port-based support organizations, including both religious organizations and NGOs who support migrant workers, are important for both understanding the problems faced by seafarers in fishing, and negotiating assistance for workers. Efforts seeking to improve working and living conditions for seafarers in fishing would do well to listen to and support these organizations. They often operate on very limited financial resources, as well as in a precarious legal status with respect to port or worker access.

Many of the cases we heard arguably violate basic international human rights principles, as codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [68] and other conventions intended to protect vulnerable groups, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (1990) [69], and the non-binding Global Compact for Migration (2018) [70]. A key issue is that migrant workers in global fishing are effectively ‘foreigners’ in port states, who need to cross borders to go on shore, where their access to rights and services may thus be limited. The MLC includes provisions designed to address this situation, but seafarers in fishing are excluded and C188 is not very helpful. This suggests that a human rights approach to some of the issues outlined in this paper could provide an alternative approach to negotiating fishing seafarer rights with relevant states, especially those policies, legal instruments, conventions and protocols concerning state obligations to migrant workers and non-status people within their national territories. This is the approach taken by the UK-based Human Rights at Sea. The systematic violations of the rights of migrant workers in fisheries revealed by the COVID-19 pandemic are such that even the UN Commission of Human Rights could become involved.

In this paper we have focused on how the existing marginalization of seafarers in global fishing has contributed to their vulnerability to COVID-19 policies restricting crew change and shore access. The analysis has implications for the future as well, both while the pandemic continues, and after the pandemic comes to an end. Vaccine access is quickly becoming another key problem. Because fishing vessels often spend many months at sea, access to vaccination when they do visit ports is becoming a pressing problem. Some countries (e.g., Seychelles--interviews, [71]) have responded proactively by providing vaccination to seafarers in fishing. Others (e.g., South Africa [61]) were refusing to vaccinate seafarers as of the writing of this paper, at least in fishing.

Even after the pandemic has ended, the marginalizations that have been made visible during the pandemic will continue to degrade the welfare and working conditions of crew in distant water fishing. Any effort to improve poor and unacceptable working conditions in fishing will need to address them in some fashion, in particular, the exclusion from the MLC and the current inability of C188 to compensate. We argue that seafarers in fishing should be equal with seafarers in other sectors, and hope that future policies will work toward addressing the current inequalities and injustices.

The first time I met a fisheries Consultant by Francisco Blaha

I recently got approached by a Twitter acquaintance, Dr. Dyhia Belhabib (a quite remarkable person that you should get to know) to collaborate with a web publication Poplar & Ivy she has been spearheading. Quite interestingly for me, it didn’t had to do with IUU fishing or my usual work topics… but with my work itself, with being a fisheries consultant working in the development arena, but from an angle of colonisation in science and development.

Ken, Saurara and me working in Kiribati in 2019.

Ken, Saurara and me working in Kiribati in 2019.

This is an area I have been thinking to tackle for a while since I’m VERY aware that I do a fully “colonial’ job, and I struggle with that… I go to countries to “help” them to do a better job and “be” like the developed countries, which in most cases have been colonialist themselves… so it was a good opportunity to reflect on my job, my impressions from the 1st time I met a fisheries consultant and how I got to become one.

I’m also very aware that I’m not the usual consultant in the region; I’m not a native english speaker, I was a fisherman, I studied in non remarkable universities and I’m dyslexic.

I’m also aware that to write about a place that has been home, yet I’m not a local is very colonial! So I reached out the invite to my Fijian friends and colleagues Saurara and Ken (also consultants) to write about their journey into consulting for this article, but also about what they thought when they meet me! Since, I like it or not, I’m a foreign fisheries consultant! I’m humbled and thankful that they accepted and for their thoughtful words!

Needles to say I’m incredible thankful and humbled by the publishers’ trust, and to the rest of the authors of the other articles. I learned a lot from everyone

I really recommend you read all the articles in the magazine Poplar & Ivy, you may feel uncomfortable at times and/or you may relate to what your are reading, yet I asure you, you’ll have a bigger perspective at the end of it, and that can only be a good thing.

_

My story

“It's too personal, the donors are not interested in the stories of the people you working with nor your or their personal views, this is technical report, I know we wanted you to talk to them as stakeholders and get their views, but not as what they think is better, and definitively not their stories, names and places. Also your English grammar is terrible”…  this was the feedback I got for my first report as a fisheries consultant in the Pacific.

I remember the first time I met the fisheries consultant that gave me that feedback. I was working as a fisherman in the Western Pacific, I was in the wharf working out a massive line spill of the reel from a longliner, and this really white skinned man, with a strong British accent and lots of sunscreen came and asked me what agency I was working with? 

While I’m partly Eastern European in my ancestry, I have dark hair and skin. I sit in that mixed-race niche of a “white-passing” brown man or a “brown-passing” white man, so his first assumption was that I must be working for a development agency; otherwise, why would I be working with local fishers for a local skipper?.

He talked to me a bit and realized I had university training in fisheries (yet another surprise to him), so he invited me for dinner that night at a restaurant (that I could have never afforded) and interrogated me for 3 hours while I was eating. In the end, he gave me his card. 

A couple of years later, I was living in New Zealand and working for a fishing company there. I wrote to him then asking for the “report” he mentioned when we met.  He was happy to get back in touch with me, and he sent me the report. Shockingly, the report was more or less a transcription of what I said to him but without naming me once. As if that was not enough, and to my surprise, I felt his entitlement and lack of shame, when he also asked me if I would be interested in working for him as a “consultant.” He mentioned he could only pay me a reduced rate since I didn’t have “development experience.”

Albeit at that stage, I had two Masters of Science degrees and over 15 years experience as a fisherman in 4 different gears across two different oceans. Obviously, my English wasn’t at academic standards, so he would have had to edit my work before submitting it to the agencies he worked with. Still, he was offering me per day what I was earning in a  week… so of course, I said yes and became a consultant, did my first job, and got that feedback.

Having grown up in a native land on the border of Argentina and Paraguay under a colonial mind frame, the fact that a guy who has obviously never fished in his life and who could not have survived a full day in the sun, yet he was a Pacific Islands Fisheries Specialist didn’t trigger me. Well, at least not at first. He was white European, spoke excellent English, and was in a region at the other end of the world from the place he grew up in, so of course, he must be a master at his trade. On top of that, he was giving me a job! Of course, he was my “superior.” I was an “immigrant,” while he was an “expat”.

He didn’t need to know the names of the kids of the people I worked with, didn’t have time for us to share with him the stories of our ancestors, go to church, learn to cook local food… that was MY job. I was kind of like them, and he was not. Of course, it was ok that he paid me less money than he was getting paid, because he had to correct my English so that people like him, people at his level, could understand what I wrote without getting frustrated by my terrible grammar and dyslexia. 

It was only after a few years living in New Zealand and learning from the way Maori dealt with colonization and their rights that I slowly realised that I actually also spoke English, surely not as good as he did, but I also spoke three other European languages he did not, besides the native language of my childhood (Guarani). I could make myself understand in the languages of the places we worked in, and he didn’t. I also had a university degree, was already in those places targeted by the consulting work, and more importantly, I really knew a lot about fishing because I happened to be a fisherman. I realized that I could work at the same level as him, or actually better if I engaged in consulting myself without him as an intermediary. If needed, I could subcontract the editing of my reports. 

So, I started doing that, yet I never kept bad feelings towards him. In fact, I am always going to be very thankful to him. Without the opportunity he offered me and the connections to this consulting world, I may have never realized what I was capable of.

I also made a point of working with my Pacific islands’ colleagues in crossing that “colonial mindset gap” that took me years to cross myself.

I am still learning the challenges of decolonizing your own perceptions on work. It also made me realize that my European upbringing thinks in “me” terms, while my non-European one thinks in “we” terms. That launching yourself into the insecurities of self-employment as a consultant is not always compatible with the expectations trusted upon your role into the “we” mindset of families in the Pacific.

Over the years, these paradigms have been the topic of long talks with two fantastic young colleagues from Fiji: Saurara Gonelevu and Kenneth Katafono that are working as consultants in their region. Their words are more important than mine in this article, since they are the present and future, while I fade into a past where those that “know best” have to be from somewhere else, and that has to stop. That is why I asked them to write about their journey and what their impressions were when they met me as a foreign consultant.

Saurara Gonelevu Story

Like for many of my fellow PICs colleagues, working as consultants or debuting on the international scene of work could be quite intimidating. As a young Pacific Islander and more so, a female working in a male-dominated field, breaking into the arena of international consultancy, and working alongside experts from developed countries is an impossible dream and something that seems so far-fetched.

In 2016, I was encouraged by a few of my good colleagues and mentors to apply for a vacancy in the region through a New Zealand MFAT funded program. I seriously doubted my chances of getting the job, because I knew of only one of my Fijian colleagues who was working in the region in my field at that time.

One of those who encouraged me to pursue this opportunity was my good colleague and friend, Francisco. I met Francisco when he came in as an international trainer while I was an attaché with the Fiji Seafood Safety Authority. I always thought that he was different because, for one, he did not look like a “kaivalagi”, a term we use to refer to “white men” coming outside of Fiji. Second, he was a fisherman who could talk so casually about international issues and subjects without having to wear a suit. 

Being a Fijian Islander, we grew up in an environment where silence was deemed the highest form of respect so that was the first hurdle that we faced when trying to overcome the challenges of colonization. Even for my generation, it was sort of “normal” to believe that regional, let alone international, jobs were only for the chosen few who were at the top of everything, be it education, experience in regional work, or what is assumed to be sort of the “right age group” to be a consultant -- let alone your ethnic group, consultancies being often awarded to white men. I say this with great respect for our colleagues who are all that and still so inclusive of those that may come from countries that may be underrepresented in these regional and international arenas of work.

It takes one who has been in our shoes to understand our unspoken struggles, show the way, and give the best advice, which could help change mentalities to embrace the changes that are here now. Francisco is one such person I know to have had continuously made efforts in his work bridging the gaps that otherwise seem impossible to close up; i.e. the younger and older generation of consultants in the region and beyond, colleagues in the similar line of work in the region regardless of your skin color or status and more importantly interact with the same respect with fisheries decision makers and those who cut up fish as their everyday job.

In 2017, I was awarded the contract by the New Zealand MFAT to work in the Republic of Kiribati, and that was my biggest breakthrough. Four years later, thanks to the connections I have forged along the way and more people believing in local and regional talent, I am now working with international consultancy companies and other organizations like the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO).

The challenges I share here, are issues that people like us have to overcome to then get recognition similar to those of our colleagues. Though I must say, I have come across some of the most amazing colleagues in other international organizations like Francisco who do not make you feel the issues discussed, and I salute them for that. They have been the true agents of change and have our deep respect for that.

Once we see ourselves as equals, we realize then that other Fijians and PICS colleagues, like Kenneth Katafono and Francisco, are constantly breaking the glass ceilings and whose journeys are a constant reminder that nothing really is impossible if you put your mind and heart into it. As I now am more conscious of the same, I take responsibility as well in working with others to forge onwards and overcome more hurdles that can further pave the way for the many hopeful PIC Islanders and my colleagues beyond the region who think these are only possible in dreams!

Kenneth Katafono Story

I started my consulting career in my final year of undergraduate degree studies, but it wasn’t until I started working in fisheries in 2012 that I saw and worked with many consultants - mostly older “kaivalagi” (European) men who had been working in Pacific fisheries for decades. As a novice to fisheries and being Fijian, it was intimidating to work with these consultants, many of whom had a storied past. 

Progressing through my fisheries career, I often wondered – “Where are the consultants from the Pacific islands?”. Among my colleagues, it was well known that getting into fisheries consulting was difficult, and if someone was lucky enough to do so, it was often on much lower terms. In a conversation with a highly qualified, experienced, and well-respected fisheries expert from the Pacific who previously held senior leadership roles in Pacific fisheries agencies and was grappling with the realities of consulting, he asked me, “Why aren’t we (Pacific Islanders) getting the consulting jobs in the Pacific?”.

I first met Francisco at a meeting in Rarotonga, the Cook Islands, in 2012 when I worked for a regional fisheries agency. He didn’t look like any consultants I had seen before—he wore shorts and an island shirt, expressed himself well and wasn’t shy to share his opinion, had a good rapport with my islander colleagues, and even took lunchtime swims in the ocean. Certainly not the mould of consultant that I was used to. Unlike other consultants, Francisco seemed quite comfortable socializing with us.

As I grew in my fisheries experience and status, it became easier to associate with consultants, and I could easily fit into their company. A lesson I learnt growing up in Fiji was that of humility, respect, and knowing where you came from. I never forgot that in my professional career, and while I could easily fit in with the consultants and senior fisheries folks, I was more comfortable with my islander colleagues, regardless of their status.Almost a decade working in fisheries and four years since leaving formal employment to go into consulting and entrepreneurship, I can count on one hand the number of fisheries consultants from the Pacific. I’ll always be grateful for the counsel Francisco has given me over the years and for being a positive role model as a consultant and human being. Standards matter, and Francisco is one of the few people who I have seen consistently keeping to his standards, personal and professional.

Interestingly, I get more international fisheries consulting opportunities working for agencies like the FAO and in other continents than I do in the Pacific. When I started my fisheries consulting career, I recall Francisco telling me at the time that I was the youngest fisheries consultant in the Pacific. It wasn’t lost on me to be a good role model to my fellow Pacific Islanders to show them that they, too, can have rewarding careers as consultants.

Glass ceilings are meant to be broken and, like Francisco, I believe that those of us who have been fortunate to pave the way have a duty to encourage and usher in the next generation of fisheries consultants in the Pacific. 

Again with High Seas transhipment on the WCPO  by Francisco Blaha

I know, I’m very repetitive on this topic… but it does really pisses me off.

I have been working with the team in charge of the IUU quantification report  2020 update (soon to be released) and as 5 years ago. Still the area we have most problems.

Notice how most of these transshipments take place on the borders of EEZs, rather than in the most isolated areas of the high seas, where it really will be impractical.

Notice how most of these transshipments take place on the borders of EEZs, rather than in the most isolated areas of the high seas, where it really will be impractical.

Yes, we have now a Transhipment Intercessional Working Group at the WCPFC, yet its pace seems to be defined on geological timelines more than biological ones.

The Technical and Compliance Committee of the WCPFC starts today and the Annual Report on Transhipment Reporting is one of the dozens of papers and reports presented.

I have written ad nauseam on the problem here *this link will take you to plenty of explanations

 The “rule” that " there shall be no transhipment on the high seas" is compromised by the loophole that allows unscrupulous DWFNs to assert that it is "impracticable" for certain vessels to comply. We've argued for years about how to define "impracticable", and we are still nowhere close to it.

 All reported high seas transhipments were conducted by fishing vessels registered to just 4 countries and one fishing entity that NZ has different levels of engagement, vessels of China, Chinese Taipei (Taiwan), Korea, and Vanuatu accounted for almost 90% of those transhipments, with Japan for the rest. As 22 of the 24 registered longline vessels flagged by Vanuatu are owned by individuals or companies in China and Chinese Taipei, it may be possible to attribute an even greater portion of high seas transhipments to those two operators

In what is perhaps the only area I’ve seen where the “one China policy” actually works CN and TW work in perfect unison in this one.

The “good” news is that it seems to be a slight decrease in the numbers of transhipments reported…. But considering that there are no observers out there…. I’m highly dubious of the accuracy of that number. It would very convenient to show a reduction after we (PEW and others have been hammering on this for years) shown that transshipments have increased over 160% from 544 operations in 2014 to 1472 in 2019. 

HS transhipments have become the norm not the exception for those DWFN, and that is the opposite that the WCPFC CMM indicates.

You can read the report if interested, but I point out only two things that my friend and colleague Tim Adams raised

"33% of the total catch of bigeye tuna taken by WCPFC longliners is transhipped on the high seas."

Looking back at the graphic posted above, it is interesting and totally hypocritical from the DWFN how most of these transhipments takes place close to the borders of EEZs, rather than in the most isolated areas of the high seas, where it really will be impractical.

This bullshit and totally hypocritical issue on HS transhipment is a low hanging fruit we should all put attention to and fully shame internationally the countries driving it!

 

Can drifting eFADs be a good source of fishery-independent data for stock assessments? by Francisco Blaha

I always been very open about the incredible amount of professional respect I have for my science collages at the Oceanic Fisheries Programme of SPC, they are regional centre for tuna fisheries research, fishery monitoring, stock assessment and data management.

Perhaps one of the few good things of me being COVID bound, is that I can assist under some of my many hats to the various WCPFC meetings I usually can’t… like the Scientific Committee. I’ve written many times about it, and I like to read the papers there presented (open access)… and the ones I always go for are the eFADs ones since is a topic I totally fascinated by, since it changed the fishery in my lifetime. What I mean with this? Simply that the way we were finding fish (and therefore setting up our trip routine and logistics) when I came to the region 30 years ago, and today are totally different worlds, different skills set, different understanding of the fishery. Full stop

The spatial distribution of dFAD purse seine sets, from all vessels in the WCPO, used for the CPUE analysis, from 2016–2018.&nbsp;

The spatial distribution of dFAD purse seine sets, from all vessels in the WCPO, used for the CPUE analysis, from 2016–2018. 

My interest in many of the science papers presented at the SC, have a deeper issue in me… back in the days I put a hell of a lot of my time and frustrations (being dyslexic) into becoming a scientist (MSc Fisheries Science – identification of 3rd reproductive stock of hake) while working as a fisherman... to then be so frustrated with the wimps of Argentina's fisheries institute that I went back to be a fisherman and came to the Pacific, and even if did then 2nd MSc once in NZ (designing a selective bait for longline), I also tendered with industry (and won) research services to NZ Fisheries, I keep reading tons of fisheries papers, I apply a scientific approach to my work in MCS, I review papers on my blog, and so on ... I actually have not worked as a fully focused  "scientist"  since I left Argentina.

Not that I truly frustrated about it, I have been incredibly fortunate with my work and life…I’m after all a self employed scientist in fisheries, but I would like to experience being part of a group of top scientists, in the search of good and useful questions and answers…

And this is one of those reports that I love reading (and would like even more to have been part of it!) 

While eFADs are a divisive issue and many see it as a threat, they are a reality and I always like to look at opportunities from things I cannot change and have many times in the past I thought that if we could harness the data stream of the estimate 40 to 60000 eFADs in our region, we could potentially have some sort of “live” stock assessment capability, and wrote about it in the past.

So my collages from SPC, spearheaded by Lauriane Escalle, who has been working on this for a while presented final results from the WCPFC SC Project 88 ‘Acoustic FAD analyses’ at the latest SC, that explored that idea!

So read the original (recommended), I just will quote the executive summary and the recommendation to the WCPFC

The project sought to identify whether the following objectives might ultimately be addressed using acoustic data from satellite buoys deployed on dFADs: 

  1. Whether acoustic buoys on drifting dFADs can provide a novel and efficient source of fishery-independent data for stock assessments (e.g., indices of abundance or additional information for purse seine CPUE standardisation); 

  2. Whether limiting sets to only those dFADs that have a large estimated biomass beneath them could reduce the proportion of small bigeye and yellowfin caught. 

 To evaluate the utility of the acoustic biomass estimates, initial analyses examined the patterns of biomass accumulation following deployment, and related biomass estimates just prior to setting to the resulting catch levels achieved. Following deployment, a clear increase was detected in the estimated biomass up to around 30–40 days post deployment, with a maximum around 60 days. Pattern of biomass accumulation before a fishing set showed an increase through time from 10 to 1 day before a set, with most buoys in the 3 days prior to a set having an estimated biomass between 25 and 60 t (up to 140 t). Examining the level of catch relative to the estimated biomass around the time of setting, larger catches generally corresponded to larger estimated biomasses over a period of 5-days before a fishing set. For very large catch events, the echosounder often underestimated the biomass or alternatively, the whole tuna school was not detected under the cone of the echosounder.

Towards an independent biomass index for stock assessment 

For this project objective, the focus was on skipjack tuna given the regional concerns over the reduction in the spatial extent and volume of the current pole and line abundance index for this stock. Two alternative methods were developed to classify echosounder transmissions as a relative index of tuna abundance or as presence/absence of skipjack tuna. The first method is a clustering analysis that classified echosounder transmissions in four different clusters based on biomass at depth, total biomass and biomass accumulation rate. One cluster (0) corresponded to no biomass detected. Two clusters (2 and 3), detecting biomass with differing depth profiles, corresponded to almost all transmissions a few days before a fishing set and therefore likely indicated the presence of tuna.

Finally, the last one (cluster 1), might be a mix of bycatch and tuna. Spatial distribution of each cluster was investigated and clusters 2 and 3 displayed a higher proportion in the main purse seine fishing area, while cluster 0, corresponding to transmissions with no biomass associated to the dFAD, had a low proportion. Higher proportions of cluster 0 were however found outside the main purse seine fishing areas, as expected. General additive models (GAMs) were used to investigate factors influencing total tuna catch. The limited number of skunk sets precluded the investigation of tuna presence/absence. Explanatory variables in the best model of tuna catch explained 25.9% of deviance. An increase in tuna catch was detected with increasing echosounder biomass, up to approximately 150 t, but for larger sets the biomass was underestimated by the echosounder. Other significant variables linked to higher tuna catch were time drifting, higher absolute values of biomass accumulation rates, full moon and higher biomass detected by the echosounder, latitude and longitude (higher tuna catch north of the equator and to the east of the WCPO). 

The second method is a Random Forest analysis that classified echosounder transmissions into presence/absence of skipjack tuna, based on a learning dataset of matched observer set/acoustic transmissions and Vessel Monitoring Systems/acoustic transmissions; and buoys with no associated biomass. Skipjack presence generally showed longer drift times (median of 79) compared to skipjack absence (median of 21). Skipjack presence was also associated with higher absolute biomass accumulation rate values. Finally, it was also found that skipjack presence was found in areas with higher vessel density compared to absences. Interestingly, the match in results between the random forest classification and the clustering analysis was very good, with more than 97% of transmissions in clusters 1, 2 and 3 classified as skipjack presence; and 92.7% of transmission from cluster 0 classified as absence. 

The classification of presence/absence of skipjack tuna was then used to explore an integrated standardization approach that combines CPUE time series from the purse seine fishery with presence/absence data from acoustic dFAD buoys drifting throughout the WCPO. Two models were compared, both included the WCPO-wide purse seine catch and effort data, while only one included the presence/absence data set. Both models predicted similar patterns, with notable differences in the magnitude of relative abundance; as well as lower predicted encounter probability for the combined data set, and higher predicted abundance during the dFAD closure period. The distribution of skipjack density was also notably different between the two models, mostly due to the information about skipjack encounters from the dFAD network. The positive catch rates showed similar patterns, but with a difference in magnitude. This analysis is a preliminary exploration of the methodology, with a relatively short time-series. These results are not intended to be indicative at this stage, but rather an opportunity to evaluate alternative approaches to obtain more reliable information on trends in skipjack abundance. 

  • While further analyses are required on a larger data set, this preliminary study suggests that acoustic biomass estimates from regional drifting FADs could assist in the development of an independent biomass estimate for skipjack tuna in the WCPO. 

Exploration of bigeye and yellowfin tuna proportion in fishing sets related to estimated biomass 

Bigeye and yellowfin tuna proportions derived from the catch composition were examined in relation to the levels of total biomass estimated by the echosounder buoys in the days preceding a set. The proportion of yellowfin tuna in the catch appeared relatively constant with increasing levels of estimated biomass, while the proportion of bigeye tuna appeared to increase with higher levels of biomass estimated by the echosounder buoy. GAMs were then used to investigate factors influencing bigeye and yellowfin catch proportions. Explanatory variables in the GAMs explained 23.8 and 27.0% of deviance of the bigeye and yellowfin tuna proportions. Biomass estimated by the echosounder was not significant for bigeye tuna models, but lower yellowfin tuna proportions were found for lower biomass estimated. Other variables influencing bigeye tuna proportions were drift time, low biomass accumulation rates just before the set (2-days), time relative to sunrise, longitude and the interaction between longitude and latitude. Other variables influencing yellowfin tuna proportions were moon phase and longitude. The limited number of sets considered here should be noted, as well as the fact that the echosounder is calibrated to detect skipjack tuna. The presence of a swim bladder for yellowfin and bigeye tuna, contrary to skipjack tuna, might therefore influence the acoustic signal. Accessing data from multi-frequency echosounder buoys that are now more frequently being deployed in the WCPO may allow these analyses to be refined. 

  • While the current analysis suggests little relationship between biomass estimates and the catch proportion of bigeye tuna, statistical models showed a slight decrease in yellowfin proportion for larger estimated biomass. Other factors, including drift time and trends prior to setting (rather than at setting) showing more potential. 

It should be noted that the acoustic data available for this analysis represent a small subset, available through partnership with three fishing companies, of the full dFAD network in the WCPO. The assistance of those companies is gratefully acknowledged. Therefore, results presented in this report should be viewed as preliminary and highlighting potential methods to be further explored with a more complete data set. Our intent is that WCPFC members and fishing companies see the utility of the analyses presented, in particular towards improving the monitoring of tropical tuna stocks and encourage or commit to making their acoustic dFAD data available for these endeavors.

We invite WCPFC-SC17 to: 

  • Note the results from Project 88 on acoustic data from echosounder buoys deployed on dFADs. 

  • Note that while the acoustically estimated biomass related to the proportion of bigeye in the catch, this proved non-significant within models, but statistical models showed a slight decrease in yellowfin proportion for larger estimated biomass and other identified variables may show some promise to pre-identify sets likely to lead to greater proportions of bigeye and yellowfin in the catch. 

  • Note the potential, over the longer-term, to use echosounder data as a source of fishery-independent data for stock assessments, either as an independent relative index of abundance or to provide additional information for purse seine CPUE standardization. 

  • Recommend the need for better identification of particular dFAD buoys (e.g., via the buoy identification numbers) by commercial vessel operators or via observer reports. 

  • Endorse the continued cooperative relationship with the fishing community to obtain commercially sensitive data for analysis for the purpose of scientific and other research, particularly with regard to dFADs, and the fishing strategies involved in their use

  • Highlight the need for additional data covering the whole WCPFC convention area, including that from now available multi-frequency echosounder buoys, and encourage other industry partners to become involved in the project.

IMG_9641-Edit.jpg

About languages and working in fisheries by Francisco Blaha

Taking a bit of a tangent on my usual fisheries only blog here… but here in New Zealand / Aotearoa, (the place that I have called home for the last 26 years) is Maori Language Week. Te reo Māori is has been an official language of Aotearoa since 1987, and Māori Language Week is celebrated annually in September, starting on a Monday and ending on the following Sunday.

One of my best working days in the last years…  I speak as much iKiribati as they spoke english… yet it didn’t matter we had fishing as the common way to see the world

One of my best working days in the last years… I speak as much iKiribati as they spoke english… yet it didn’t matter we had fishing as the common way to see the world

As an immigrant to NZ, I wish I knew more Maori; I know enough to guess what most places mean, to exchange cordialities and follow Marae protocols… but there is where I am at.

For years here in NZ, there has been a discussion on further promoting bilingualism. Many monolingual English speakers argue that what is the point since it is only spoken in NZ, that emphasis should be given to other languages that have more worldwide relevance (Chinese, Japanese and Spanish are the usual example).

I personally think they miss the real point of a language. I grow up with 3 languages spoken at home: Guaraní - my village and Grandma family, Spanish - my mum and German - my Austrian dad. They are VERY different languages in terms of the critical components of a language (phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics)… but precisely that is why I’m so grateful that I was exposed to them growing up.

What you are really learning are different ways of thinking, not just of communicating… Each of those languages taught me different ways to see and think about the world. 

I remember as a kid wondering not only why the same thing had 3 different names? But why some were straight words, others made out of compounding concepts, and why did people see the same thing from such different angles…

I just grew up knowing that different people spoke different languages, for the same reason they look different… and you just talk to them in the way they speak to you… no big deal

For me each of my languages is like a brain programming code that makes me see the world in the same but different ways; my body language, gesticulation, and even my reflexes change accordingly to the language that is operating my brain at different times. 

Changing in between them is hard as an adult, but if mastered as a child, even if one of the languages is only used in only one area (like guarani or Maori) that doesn’t matter... besides the cultural components, learning how to switch from one to the other is the gain that you can replicate later on.

I work in English, Spanish and Portuguese… albeit only having had formal language education in Spanish. Yet I can get away a bit with Italian and French to an extent. I can get some basic pleasantries and conversation in Tongan, Samoan and Tuvaluan (that helped me with Maori) and a bit of Marshallese and iKiribati…. yet this is not because I’m “gifted” of anything like that… but mostly because I was exposed to different ways of thinking and I’m shameless! Also, as a friend told me: I rather have you been poor in my language than good in English!

For example Guarani compounds concepts in order of importance to make the name of places: let say Paraguay: Para (stripy brown), gua (place/move), i (water). Uruguay: Uru (bird/s) ,gua (place/move), i (water). 

My birth area is Ibera: I (water) bera (shiny/ebbing). Now interestingly, the place I call home is Waiheke which in Maori means: Wai (water) heke (trickling/ebbing), so yeah, I found home in the same meaning (therefore place) on the other side of the world.

German also compounds works to create new meaning made of the parts.

Guarani has no impersonals… everything happens to people in places… which is something I also found in most island languages. In English, you can pretty much take the people out and speak and write as if things just eventuated. 

And sometimes, even if not words are spoken in common… I have spent days fishing with people I had no language in common… yet we had the same experience fishing… gesticulation and similar way to think and see reality did the rest

My point is: learn as many languages you can… it just open you mind to different ways to see the world and share it with others… doesn’t matter if it is only 1 person you can’t talk on that language.

I know ain’t easy but a as they say in Maori: Kia kaha, kia maia, kia manawanui (be strong, be brave, be steadfast)

 

High Seas Tuna Transshipment: What it is and why it should be reformed by Francisco Blaha

Tuna is extremely valuable to Pacific Island countries. In recent years, the annual catch of tuna in the western and central Pacific Ocean has been approximately 2.6 million metric tonnes per year, worth almost US$5 billion. This catch represents over 50% of all the tuna landings in the world.  Surprisingly, the amount of tuna captured caught in the Pacific Island region is over ten times the amount of fish from all the other types of fishing in the region combined. Although tuna is captured by a variety of fishing techniques, the vast majority is taken by industrial-scale operations using either purse seine or longline gear.

Frozen Carrier and Longliner preparing to tranship catches in the High Seas outside the control of coastal states (anonymous source)

Frozen Carrier and Longliner preparing to tranship catches in the High Seas outside the control of coastal states (anonymous source)

Tuna transshipment 

Transshipment is a legitimate practice in the tuna fishing industry. In a typical transshipment operation, a refrigerated carrier vessel collects catch from multiple fishing boats and carries it back to port. This practice enables fishing vessels to continue fishing, which reduces fuel costs for fishing vessels and gets the catch to port quicker.

There are two main types of tuna transshipment in this region.  In one type of operation the transshipment occurs in or near a port, normally under the authorization, control, and inspection of the country where the port is located. In most Pacific Island countries the staff of the fisheries department monitor the volumes and species composition of the catch being transferred.  

The other form of transshipment in the region (which is far more problematic) is transshipment at sea, particularly in the high seas – which are ocean areas beyond the exclusive economic zone of any country.  In those areas the authorization and controls over the transshipment are the responsibility of the country of registration of the concerned carrier vessel and fishing vessel. This type of transshipment is particularly common for longline vessels.

Problems with tuna transshipment 

It is generally known that the volumes and composition of the catch being transferred in high seas transshipment is not as rigorously monitored as that for in-port transshipment.

High seas transshipment at sea is widely recognized as one of the main ways that illegally caught fish finds its way to market. Poorly monitored high seas transshipments offer opportunities to hide both illegal catches and prohibited fishing activities.  The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations has stated that in the absence of effective monitoring and control, transshipping poses a serious risk to fisheries by allowing the catching and landing of fish to go unregulated and unreported. Within the western and central Pacific Ocean, it has been estimated by a recent study that US$142 million per year of tuna and tuna-like products are involved in illegal, at-sea transshipment.

The Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission

Tuna fishing in the central and western Pacific Ocean is regulated by both the countries in the region and the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC). The Commission has a total of 42 member countries (including all independent Pacific Island countries), participating territories, and cooperating non-members.  The WCPFC seeks to ensure, through effective management, the long-term conservation and sustainable use of highly migratory fish stocks (i.e. tunas and billfish) in the western and central Pacific Ocean.
The Commission develops conservation and management measures that are binding on vessels that fish in the region. These are enforced in various ways, including by on-board observers, electronic vessel monitoring systems, at-sea boarding and inspection, and aerial surveillance. 

The WCPFC has a role in regulating transshipment. Recognizing that transshipment on the high seas could cause problems, the international agreement that established the WCPFC states: “In order to support efforts to ensure accurate reporting of catches, the members of the Commission shall encourage their fishing vessels, to the extent practicable, to conduct transshipment in port.”   Recognizing this point, the Commission made a rule in 2009 stipulating there shall be no transshipment on the high seas except where a member country has determined that it is impractical for a vessel – but the Commission did not define “impractical”, thereby creating a loophole.  

The current situation in the central and western Pacific

Contrary to the Commission’s intentions and rules, the number of high seas transshipments in the western and Central Pacific is actually increasing. Reports to the Commission indicate that such transshipments have increased from 544 operations in 2014 to 1,472 in 2019.

It appears that high seas transshipments are becoming the norm, rather than the exception. This situation is not conducive to the long-term conservation and sustainable use of tuna resources in the region – a stated aim of the Commission. 

The way ahead

Recognizing that poorly monitored high seas transshipments are a major factor in illegal tuna fishing in the region, there is a strong case for reforming such operations. There appear to be two possibilities for this:

  • Ban transshipment on the high seas and require any transshipment to take place in a port where it can be easily monitored; or

  • Greatly improve the monitoring of high seas transshipment.

 The first possibility would certainly result in improved accountability and transparency of the tuna catches – but it would place additional costs on fishing vessels, such as extra distances to travel and port charges.  This possibility would likely be opposed by the transshipping vessels and their countries of registration. 

The second possibility for reforming high seas transshipment would be to have the observers onboard the carrier vessels produce detailed reports and have those reports sent in a timely manner directly to the Commission for analysis. This possibility is likely to be less of a burden on vessel operators – and hopefully would meet less opposition than simply banning high seas transshipment and forcing a major change in way vessels operate.  

What can the governments of Pacific Island countries do to promote the reform of high seas tuna transshipment?  Through their voice in the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission, they should point out that poorly monitored high seas transshipment could threaten the benefits they receive from their tuna resources – and insist on closing this loophole that gives opportunities for illegal fishing.